Skip to main content

Full text of "Târikh-i-Soraṭh, a history of the provinces of Soraṭh and Hâlâr in Kâthiâwâd"

See other formats


This is a digital copy of a book that was preserved for generations on library shelves before it was carefully scanned by Google as part of a project 

to make the world's books discoverable online. 

It has survived long enough for the copyright to expire and the book to enter the public domain. A public domain book is one that was never subject 

to copyright or whose legal copyright term has expired. Whether a book is in the public domain may vary country to country. Public domain books 

are our gateways to the past, representing a wealth of history, culture and knowledge that's often difficult to discover. 

Marks, notations and other maiginalia present in the original volume will appear in this file - a reminder of this book's long journey from the 

publisher to a library and finally to you. 

Usage guidelines 

Google is proud to partner with libraries to digitize public domain materials and make them widely accessible. Public domain books belong to the 
public and we are merely their custodians. Nevertheless, this work is expensive, so in order to keep providing tliis resource, we liave taken steps to 
prevent abuse by commercial parties, including placing technical restrictions on automated querying. 
We also ask that you: 

+ Make non-commercial use of the files We designed Google Book Search for use by individuals, and we request that you use these files for 
personal, non-commercial purposes. 

+ Refrain fivm automated querying Do not send automated queries of any sort to Google's system: If you are conducting research on machine 
translation, optical character recognition or other areas where access to a large amount of text is helpful, please contact us. We encourage the 
use of public domain materials for these purposes and may be able to help. 

+ Maintain attributionTht GoogXt "watermark" you see on each file is essential for in forming people about this project and helping them find 
additional materials through Google Book Search. Please do not remove it. 

+ Keep it legal Whatever your use, remember that you are responsible for ensuring that what you are doing is legal. Do not assume that just 
because we believe a book is in the public domain for users in the United States, that the work is also in the public domain for users in other 
countries. Whether a book is still in copyright varies from country to country, and we can't offer guidance on whether any specific use of 
any specific book is allowed. Please do not assume that a book's appearance in Google Book Search means it can be used in any manner 
anywhere in the world. Copyright infringement liabili^ can be quite severe. 

About Google Book Search 

Google's mission is to organize the world's information and to make it universally accessible and useful. Google Book Search helps readers 
discover the world's books while helping authors and publishers reach new audiences. You can search through the full text of this book on the web 

at |http: //books .google .com/I 

^nxL (o7CKS.s- 

Harvard College 



Class of 1839 






A A 




divIn op junagadh. 

Translated from the Persian, 

Educ. Soc. Press, & Thackeb & Co., Ld. 

London: Trtjenbr & Co. 


^w^ o JJlS", ^ 


The T1rikh-i-Sorath, or History of Sorath 
and Halar, forming the western portion of 
Kafchiawad, was compiled by Ranchodji x\marji, 
Divan or prime minister of Junagadh, about 
1825, and gives a pretty circumstantial account 
of the factions and broils that disturbed these 
provinces during the lifetime of the author and 
his father. As a genuine native history, written 
by a man who took a leading part in most of the 
events he describes, and who was quite independ- 
ent of English influence, it ought to possess some 
interest for all classes of readers. 

The Persian MS. of the work was brought to 
my notice by the late Mr. Gokalji Jhala, then 
Divan. of Junagadh, on my visit to that place in 
May 1869. Mr. Manilal Govindram, now of the 
Bhavanagar High School, also obtained for me a 
loan of a translation of it into Gujarati, and made a 
careful version from it into English. "When this 
was about complete I got a second Persian MS., 
and submitted both MSB. and the translation of 
the Gujarati version to Mr. E. Rehatsek, who 
very kindly produced another translation, more 
in accordance with the Persian original than 
Mr. Manilal' s founded on the Gujarati only. This 
lay past for some time, but a few years ago I began 


to print it, and Colonel J. W. Watson, of the 
Rajasthanik Court, Rajkot, whose knowledge of 
the country and its history as well as of the lan- 
guage of the original, eminently qualified him for 
doing so — very kindly agreed to revise the MS. 
and look over the proofs as the book passed 
through the press. The alterations he has made 
to bring it into accordance with the better copies 
of the original work in his possession, have been 
numerous and important. 

It was intended to add a considerable amount 
of additional collateral information to the work as 
it passed through the press, but freauent— almost 
constant — absence from the vicinity of any library, 
and the pressure of work which has frequently 
interrupted even the printing for long periods of 
time, have limited the additional matter to a brief 
introduction and a few notes scattered throughout 
the book, and amounting in all to about 57 pages. 

I have only to add that it is to the offers of 
patronage of the work on the part of the Chiefs 
of Junagadh and Bhavanagar, that the publication 
of it is due. 


Amardvatiy Krishnd District, 
2l8t December 1881. 



Introduction, by the Editor 1 

TiRIKH-l-SoRAfH 23 

Description of the Sirkar of Junagadh ... 24 

Note 1. On Junagadh, by the Editor... 33 

Translations of the Asoka edicts 36 

Note 2. Neminatha 47 

Mahals which pay all the Land and Cus- 

toni3 Revenue Rights to Junagadh 48 

The Kasbah of Kutiana 49 

Bantwa 51 

The Kasbah of Mangrol „ 

Note 3. On Ghumli or Bhumli 68 

Kesod 62 



Pattan Diva 63 

Note A. On Pattan Somanatha 66 

„ 5. On Ahiiyabai 78 

Account of Kodinar „^ 

Una and Delvada 77 

Account of Ranpur 79 

Visavadar >» 

Muzaffarabad „ 

The island of Diva, vehich formerly be- 
longed to Junagadh „ 

Account of Kafchiawad 81 




Account of Amr^li 82 

Account of the Mahals which pay tribute 

to Junagadh ^ 83^ 

Description of Gondal 93 

Bajkot 94 

Morbi „ 

Description of Bhavanagar 95 

Description of Jhalawar 98 

The Rajas ofJunagadh 101 

Rao Dayat and Kuvar Naughan 102 

Naughan conquers Sindh 105 

RajaKhengar 109 

Mularaja and Naughan Ill 

Fight of Raja Mandalika with Mahmud 

Ghaznavi „ 

Hamirad^va, Vijayapala, Naughan, &c. ... 113 

Jayasingh, &c 114 

Sultan Mahmud captures Raja Mandalika. 116 

The story of Mehta Narsi 118 

* Raja Bhupat Singh bin Mandalika 124 

' Raja Khengar, Raja Naughan, Raja Sri 

Singh, Raja Khengar 125 

Note Q, On the Chudasama dynasty ... 127 
Governors on behalf of the Padishahs of 

Ahmadabad 131 

Navab Bahadur Khan Babi 137 

NavAb Mah^bat Khan 143 

Captivity of the Navab Mahabat Khan . . . 144 
Shekh Miyan takes Veraval 146 



The Divanship of Amarji ,.., 147 

Demolition of Dilkhania 149 

Acquisition of Kutiana ,, 

Conquest of TalAj^ 150 

Conquest of the four forts of Mangrol ... 151 
Liberation of the Mutasaddisof Kachh Bhuj 152 
Punishment of the Vaghars and Malias .. 153 
Punishment of the Babrias and of the Una 

Qasbatis „ 

Kumbhaji attacks the Divanji 154 

Imprisonment of the Div/lnji and murder 

of Jamadar Salmin the Arab 155 

The Navab marches against Mangrol and 

recalls the Divanji 155 

Conquest of Sutrapada 159 

Conquest of Positra. ,, 

Navab Hamid Khan (a.d. 1774-1810) ... 160 
Victory over the Subahdars of the Peshva 

and Gaekvad 161 

March to Palanswa in Vagad, &c 163 

Victory over Jam Jasaji, Rana Sulfcanji, 

and Kumbhaji ; 168 

Murder of the Divan Amarji 1784, &c ... 172 
Veraval taken from Divan Raghunathji ... 177 
The Navab instigates the Arabs against 

the Divan 178 

Gul Khan slain ; marriage of the Navab, &c. 179 

Taking of Sutrapada 180 

Conquest of Kesoj ^. 181 

• • • 



Divan Raghunath takes Chorvad and Ve- 

raval, &c 182 

The Divanship of Kalyan Seth ]93 

March of the Navab against Bh avanagar. . . 1 94 
Jamadar Amin cannonades Manjavadi ... 195 
Divan Raghunath recalled from Nagar ... 196 

Reduction of Kutiana, &c 197 

Navdb Bahadur Khan (1810-1839 a.d.)... 205 
Jemadar Omar and his expulsion by British 

aid 209 

The taking of Kutiana 210 

Marriage of feambhu Parsad 212 

Dismissal of Jamadar Omar 213 

Dismissal of Divan Raghunath, and slaugh- 
ter of Atits 215 

Divanship of Sundarji (1809-10 a.d.) ... 218 

Death of Divan Raghunath 219 

Wedding of Kesarbai 220 

Interviews of Ranchodji and Governor 

Elphinstone 221 

Capture and release of Captain Grant 222 

Expulsion of Mn Anderson from Dvarka, 
and punishment of the Waghers by the 

English 223 

Chastisement of the Khuman Kathis by 

the English .^. 224 

Defeat of Kesarbai, and murder of A hmad 

Khan Faqir '. 227 

Events of Samvat 1880 (a.d. 1823-24) ... 228 



Note 7. Cap t. Grant's Narrative of his 

captivity 235 

Concerning the History of Nagar ... 240 

Concerning the Jam , •.... „ 

Founding of the city ofNavanagar 243 

Jam Raval hin Lakha 246 

Jam Vibh&ji (a.d. 1561-1569) 

Jam Satrasal (a.d. 1569-1616) 

Jam Jasaji (a.d. 1616-1624) 251 

Jam Lakha (a.d. 1624-1645) 254 

Jam Ranmaiji (a.d. 1645-1661) „ 

J&m Raisingh (a.d. 1661-1663) 256 

Jam Timachi Tagadh (a.d. 1663-1690)... „ 

Jam Lakhaji (a.d. 1690-1709) 257 

Jam Raisingh (a.d. 1709-1710) 

J&m Timachi (a.d. 1710-1743) 

Jam Lakhaji (a.d. 1743-1768) 259 

Jam Jasaji (a.d. 1768-1814) 260 

Jam Jasaji makes a friend of Rao Saheb 

Bhanji 271 

The laying waste of Gondal in Sam. 1850. 273 
Meeting of Navab Hamid Khan with 

Meraman Khawas •. 275 

The Waghers of Okha 276 

Flight of Jam Jasaji 277 

Arrival of Fateh Muhammad Notiyar 279 

Rao Saheb Rfiidhanji comes to Nagar 

and returns disappointed 280 

Attack on Bhanwad 282 



Jam Jasaji collects aspverd (horse tax) 

from Kafchiawad, &c 285 

Capture of Kandorna fort 286 

The English and Gaekwad Governments 

send armies to Nagar (a.d. 1812) 287 

A Kachh army crosses over to Halar 288 

Jam Sataji (a.d. 1814-1820) 292 

JamRanmalji 297 

Account of Okha... 299 


The peninsula ofKathiawad orSau- 
r a s h t r a, lying between the gulfs of K a c h h 
and Cambay or Khambhat, and surrounded on 
the south and west by the Arabian Sea, is the 
holy land of Western India. It was^known to 
the Greeks and Romans under the name of 
Saurastrene ; the Muhammadans called it by 
the Prakritized name of S o r a fc h, and to this 
day a large district in the south-west, a hundred 
miles in length, still retains that name. An- 
other district, quite as large, to the east of the 
centre, however, has long been known as K a- 
thiawad, from having been overrun by the 
K athis, who entered _th&.^pf^T)inaTlla. from 

achh, perhaps first in predatory bands in 
toe thirteenth or lourteenth century; in the. 
HTfeenth Ihe whole tribe was driven out of 
Kaclih, and in that and the following century 
(conquered a considerable territory. The M a- 
r ii t h a s, who came into contact with them in 
their forays, and were sometimes successfully 
repelled by them, extended the name of K a- 
t h i a w a d to the whole province, and from 
tKemwe have come to apply it in a similar 



wide sense ; but by Brahmans and the natives 
it is still spoken of as Saurashtra. 

The extreme length of the peninsula, from 
G g h a in the east, toJagator Dwaraka 
in the west, is nearly 220 miles ; its greatest 
breadth is about 165 miles, and its area 22,000 
square miles, with an estimated population of 
about two and a half millions. 

It is divided into 1 88 separate states, large 
and small, of which thirteen pay no tribute ; 
ninety-six are tributary to the British Govern- 
ment, seventy to that of the Gaikwad as the 
representative of the Marathas, and nine pay 
tribute to both ; while of the latter three classes 
one hundred and thirty-two pay a tax called 
Zortalahi to the Nawab of Junagadh. The 
states are arranged in seven classes, with vary- 
ing civil and criminal powers, — five of the 
larger belonging to the first class. 

Kathiawad is usually divided into ten 
provinces or prdnts, of very unequal size : — 

(1.) JhIlIwId, in the north, containing 
about fifty states, of which Dhrangadhra, Limbdi, 
Wadhwan, Wankan^r, Saela, Chuda, and Than- 
Laktar, are among the largest ; originally it 
included Viramgaum, Mandal, and part of the 
Dhandhuka district now uuder Ahmadabad. 

(2.) MachhukIntha, comprising Morbi and 
Malia, lies to the west of Jhalawad. 

(3.) HIlab, in the north-west, derives its name 
from the Hala branch of Jadejas from Kachh, and 


embraces twenty-six states, of which Jaiiinagar 
or Nawanagar is the largest ; Rajkot, Gondal- 
Dhoraji, Dharol, Drapha, &c., are smaller. 

(4.) Okhamandal, in the extreme west, be- 
longs to Baroda.* 

(5.) BaradI or JetwId, along the south-west 
coast, is known also as Pnrbandar. 

(6.) SoRATH, in the south, is occupied by the 
Junagadh State, and the two small holdings of 
B&ntwa and Amrapur ; but the sea-coasfc from 
Mangrol to the island of Diu or Div is also 
known as N a g h e r. 

(7.) BIbriawad, so called from the Babria 
tribe of Kolis, is a hilly tract in the south-east? 
divided into many very small states, or village 
holdings, and includes many villages belonging 
to the Gaikwad of Baroda. 

(8.) KathiawId, near the middle, is a large 
district comprising Jetpur-Chital, Amreli, Jas- 
dhan, Chotila, Anandapur, and fifty other 
smaller estates. 

(9.) Und-Sarveya, lying along the Satrunji 
river, and divided into small holdings. 

(10.) GoHiLWAD, in the east, along the shore 
of the gulf of Cambay, is so named from the 
Gohil Rajputs, who are the ruling race in it. 
It comprises the Gogha district, belonging to 
the Ahmadabad Collectorate, — Bhaunagar, a 
first-class state, Palitana, Waht, Lathi, and 

* The island (bet) of ^ankhodilr belongs to Okhamandal. 
It was long famous for its pirates. 


many others ; and it includes the old division of 
the province called W a 1 a k. 

Generally speaking, with the exception of 
the Thanga and Mandhav hills in the west of 
Jhalawad, the Alech and Dalasa ranges in 
Halar, the hill of Gop, and others, the northern 
portion of the country is flat ; but in the south 
the Glr range runs nearly parallel with the coast, 
and at a distance of about twenty miles from 
it, along the north of Babriawad and Sorath, 
turning northwards towards Gimar. Opposite 
this latter mountain, again, is the solitary Osam 
hill, and then still further west is the Barada 
group between Halar and Barada, running about 
twenty miles north and south, from Ghumli to 
Ranawav, near which iron ore was dug in early 
times. After the limits of Babriawad are passed 
a low range of hills succeeds the Gir; these 
hills join those of Und Sarveya. There is also a 
fine cluster of granite peaks at Chamardi, and 
the Sihor and Khokhra ranges in the south- 
eastern portion of Gohilwad. 

The principal river is the Bhadar, which 
rises in the Mandhav hills and flows south-west, 
falling into the sea at Navi-Bandar, in Barada, 
after a course of about a hundred and fifteen 
miles in a direct line, everywhere marked by 
the lands near its banks being in a high state 
of cultivation. It is a saying in the districts 
through which it passes that it receives ninety- 
nine tributary streams. From the same hills 


rises another Bhadar, whieli flows eastwards 
past Ranpur aud Dhandliuka into the gulf of 
Cambay or Khambhat, and in its short course 
attains a considerable size. 

The A j i, perhaps the prettiest stream in the 
province, rises near Sard bar and mns north- 
wards past Bajkot, receiving the Mari from 
the left, and falls into the gulf^of^jKachh near 
BalambaTm Halar. Ttls noted for the excel- 
lence of its water, and the gold dust found 
in small quantities in its bed. 

The Machhu, from near Sardhar, flows 
north-west, through the district to which it gives 
name, past Wankan^r and Morbi, into the gulf 
of Kachh, near Malia. 

The Wadhwan and Limbdi Bhogawas both 
rise in the Thanga range, and flowing past Wadh- 
wan and Limbdi respectively lose themselves 
in the Ran to the north of the gulf of Cambay 

The Satrunji, from the Gir range, receives 
a large number of tributaries, and passes Pali- 
tana and Talaja on its way to the entrance of 
the gulf of Khambhat. 

Saurashtra was doubtless at a very early 
period brought under the influence of Brah- 
manical civilization, and, from its position at the 
extreme north of the coast line of Western 
IndiaTit was the mdsF accessible to influences 
from the West. As early as the reign of the 
great Asoka of Magadha (b.c. 265-229) we 
find him inscribing his famous edicts upon the 


huge granite boulders at the entrance of the 
pass that leads from Junagadh to Gim^. If 
the reading in Strabo of Saraostos is really, as 
there is good reason to suppose, a corruption of 
some form of Saurashtra, then it was included 
in the conquests of the Indo-Skythian kings, 
Demetrios the son of Euthydemos (b.c. cir. 
190), and Menander (b.c. 144), who, he says, 
pushed their conquests eastwards and ''got 
possession not only of Patalenfi, but of the 
kingdoms of Saraostos and Sigerdis (or 
Sigertis) being the remainder of the coast." 

Its shores were well known to the Alexandrian 
merchants of the first and second centuries, but 
there is considerable diificulty in identifying the 
places they mention. Dr. Vincent, f Lassen, J 
and Col. Yule§ have each attempted the task. 

Lassen places the city of Surastra at 
Junagadh, and this is as probable a conjec- 
ture as perhaps any other that could be formed. 
Yule places it at N a v i-b a n d a r, which is 
very doubtful. If not Junagadh or Vanthali, 
then V i r a w a 1 and S i ho r are the only two 
other sites that seem Ukely. 

Bardaxima is located by Yuleat Purban- 
d a r, perhaps from the resemblance of the name 
to Barada; but orinagar, in the same 


t Periplus of the Erythraean Sea. 

X Map of Ancient India in his Indische Alterthwn- 

§ In Smith's Ancient Atlas, pp. 22-24, and map 31. 


district, is a much older place, and near it 
is a small Village named B a r d i y a, which 
may possibly be a reminiscence of the Greek 

Yule places the B a r a k e of Arrian at J a - 
gat or Dwaraka ; Lassen also identifies it with 
D waraka, which he places on the coast between 
Purbandar and Miyani, near Srmagar. M n 1 a- 
Dwaraka, or the original site, was further 
east than this, but is variously placed near 
Madhupur, thirty-six miles north'west from 
Somanath-Pattan, or three miles south- 
west from K o di i n a r, and nineteen miles east 
ofSomanath. This last spot is called Mula 
Dwaraka to this day. 

Astakapra, orAstakampra, Yule has 
quite recently identified with Hastakavapra, 
mentioned in a Valabhi copper-plate grant, and 
believed to be the old name of Hathab, to the 
south of Gogha; at Gopnath, Yule would 
have P a p i k e promontory. 

The H o r a 1 89 are doubtless the people of 
S o r ath, wlio have an inveterate pr^e^ity 
to sound the letter S as an H; and the P a n d ea 
are the P a n d a v a, dwelling in the north of the 
peninsula, in the district traditionally known 
as PanchalorDev a-P a n c h a 1, in which 
the chief town was Than, possibly the same 
as Theophila, which Yule places doubtfully 
a little further east, about T a 1 s a n a, which, 
however, is situated in the sub-division of Jha- 


la wad known as the Nal Kantha, and not in 

P i r a m island is probably rightly identified 
by Yule with the Baiones Insula of the 
ancients ; Monoglossonhe identifies with 

Man grol. 

Among the sacred places in the province, 
PrabhasaPafctan orSomanathin the 
south, and D w a r a k a in the extreme west, 
are famous shrines of the Saiva and Vaishnava 


forms of Brahmanism, — the former, one of the 
twelve great 6aiva Mahalihgas of India^ and the 
account of whose destruction by Mahmud of 
Ghazni is so familiar to every reader of history, 
is also the spot where tradition says the great 
Yadava hero and demigod Krishna was slain ; 
whilst Dwarakais one of his most celebrated 
shrines, where he is fabled to have saved the 
sacred books. T h a n^ in the north, is an old site 
of sun-worship, and in the neighbourhood are 
several snake-shrines ; and in the Gir is T u 1 as i 
Syam, a noted Hindu shrine, with a hot 
spring. There is also the shrine called Ghela 
Somanath in Jasdan territory, which probably 
was the city of Somapur said by Ferishtah to 
have been destroyed by Sultan Ahmad on his 
return to Gujarat after warring at Junagadh. 

Among their "high places" the Jains reckon 
oatrunjayaas their great trrtha or holy place, 
on the isolated mountain south of P a 1 i t a n a ; 
Taladhvaja, commonly known as T a 1 a j a 

is J 


T e k r 1, the isolated hill at Talaja ; U j j a y a nt a 
or R a i V a t a , the famous Mount G i r n a r in 
Sorath ; and Dhanka in Halar. Perhaps the 
L or or Lauhar hill in Babriawad is also intend- 
ed by the Lauhitya of their sacred books. The 
Lonch and Kamlo hills too in TJnd Sarveya are 
known to the Jains as Hastagiri and Kadamgiri 
respectively, and are usually visited by pilgrims 
to Palitana. 

Of the early history of the country we have 
but scanty notices. It was probably governed 
by satraps under A s o k a and the great Maurya 
kings. From coins that have been found pretty 
abundantly in different parts, it appears that 
for a period of about two centuries a dynasty 
known as the Kshatrapas,*Sahs, or 
S i n h a s ruled, — perhaps at old Sihor, Sin" 
h u r, or S i n h ap u r a. Of this dynasty we 
learn from coins the names of some twenty -four 
princes, many of them with dates ranging from 
72 to 250 ; the late Dr. Bhau Daji, reckoning 
these dates from the Saka era of a.d. 78, placed 
them between about a.d. 140 and 380. 

Besides coins of the Kshatrapas, however, we 
have at least two inscriptions, unfortunately 
both somewhat defaced. 

The first of these is on the famous rock 
between Junagadh and G i r n a r , recording 
the repair of the dam there by Raja Maha- 
kshatrapa Rudra Daman in the year 72 of 
their era. His father's name is obliterated, but 



that of his grandfather is given as Mahaksha- 
trapa Chashtana. 

The second is a short one on a pillar on the 
bank of the lake at J a s d h a n, in the north of 
the Kathiawad division. It has been translated 
by the late Dr. Bhan Daji, and yields the 
names of five of the Sah kings, viz. : — 

1 . Kaja Mahakshatrapa Bhadramnkha 
Svami Chashtana; 

2. E/Aja Kshatrapa SvamiJayadaman 
his son ; 

8. Baja Mahakshatrapa . . . Rudra 
D a m a, his son ; 

4. Eaja Mahakshatrapa Bhadramnkha 
Svami Rndra Sinha, his son ; 

5. Raja Mahakshatrapa Svami Rndra 
Sena, his son, rnling in 127. 

Coins snpply the remainder of onr knowledge 
of these princes, but fortunately the first of 
them is mentioned in the inscriptions on some 
of the caves in the Bombay Presidency : as at 
Karlen, Nasik, and Junnar. 

From these materials Mr, Newton framed the 
subjoined Kshatrapa list of the kings, which is 
given, with the dates approved by Dr. Bhau 
Daji, Professor RAmkrishna G. BhAndarkar, 
and others : — 

1. NahapAna, a.d. 70. 

2. The unknown king whose coin is given 
as figure 10 of the plate (p. 4, Jour, Bo. Br. B. 
/!«. Soc. vol. IX.). 


3. (Syamo? tika. 

4. Chashtana, son of Syamotika, a.d. 90. 

5. Jaya Dama, son of Chashfcaua. 

6. Jiva Dama, son of (Ddma ?)Sri, a.d. 113. 

7. Rudra Dama, son of Jaya Dama. 

8. Rudra Sinha, son of Rudra Dama, a.d. 

9. Rudra Sah or Sena, son of Rudra Sinha, 
A.D. 205. 

10. Sri Sah, son of Rudra Sah. 

11. Sangha Dama, son of Rudra Sah. 

12. Dama Sah, son of Rudra Sinha. 

13. Yasa Dama, son of Dama Sah. 

14. Damajata Sri, son of Rudra Sah, a.d. 

15. Vira Dama, son of Dama Sah. 

16. Tsvara Datta. 

17. Vijaya Sah, son of Dama Sah (140-154), 
A.D. 218-232. 

18. Damajata Sri, son of Dama Sah. 

19. Rudra Sah, son of Rudra Dama, a.d. 
266, 276, 270. 

20. Visva Sinha, son of Rudra Sah, a.d. 

21. Atri Dama, son of Rudra Sah, a.d. 
288, 292. 

22. Visva Sah, son of Atri Dama, a.d. 
295, 303. 

23. Rudra Sinha, son of Svami Jiva Damti, 
a.d. 328. 

24. Yasa Dama, son of Rudra Sah. 


25. Svami Rudra Sab, son of Svami Satya 

From an inscription in the Bauddha caves at 
Nasik, it appears that the Kshatrapas were 
overthrown by Gautamiputra, the Andhrabhri- 
tya king" of the Dekhan, about a.d. 330. Anartta 
or Saurashtra must have belonged to them for a 
short time. But the Guptas of Kanauj were 
then rising into power. 

" The bards relate that Rama Raja, son of 
Vala Yarsingji, reigned in Junagadh and Van- 
thali. . . . Rama Raja was of the Vala 
race. It is said in Saura.shtra that, previous to 
the rise of the kingdom of Junagadh- Vanthali, 
Valabhinagar was the capital of Gujarat. The 
rise of Valabhi is thus toldbj the bards: — ' The 
Gupta kings reigned between the Ganges and 
Jam una rivers. One of these kings sent his son 
Kumarapala Gupta to conquer Saurashtra, and he 
placed his viceroy Chakrapalita or Chakrapani, 
son of Parnadatta or Prandat, one of his Amirs, 
to reign as provincial governor in the city of 
Vanianasthali (the modern Vanthali). Kumara- 
pala now returned to his father's kingdom. 
His father reigned twenty-three years after 
the conquest of Saurashtra and then died, and 
Kumarapfila ascended the throne. Kumara- 
pala Gupta reigned twenty years and then died, 
and was succeeded by Skanda Gupta, but this 
king was of weak intellect. His sendpati Bha- 

* Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. XII., 1848, p. 32. 


tarka, wlio was of the Geliloti race, taking a 
strong army, came into Sarashtra, and made his 
rule firm there. Two years after this Skanda 
Gnpta died. The sendpati now assumed the title 
of king of Saurashtra, and, having placed a 
governor at Vamanasthali, founded the city of 
Valabhinagar. At this time the Gupta race 
were dethroned by foreign invaders.''^ 

The Junagadh inscription represents Parna- 
datta as Skanda Gupta's viceroy ; Chakrapalita 
as governor of a certain town, appointed to that 
place by his own father ; and Bhafcarka is men- 
' tioned in the Valabhi copper plates as Senapati, 
while they represent Drona Sinha, his second 
son, as having first assumed the title of king : 
Ind. Ant vol. Ill (1874). 

The Guptas introduced an era of their own, 
usually regarded as commencing in A. d. 319, but 
possibly about A.D. 185-195. They doubtless arose 
to considerable power before they added . K a- 
thiawadto their dominions : indeed, according 
to tradition, the conquest of the country was only 
effected by Kumarapala Gupta early in 
the reign of his father. This was probably be- 
tween 80 and 85 of the Gupta era. 

Valabhi, identified with the buried city at 
Wala, in the east of the peninsula, eighteen 
miles north-west of Bhaunagar, now became the 
capital of the new dynasty ; and when the Gupta 

f Major J. W. Watson, "Legends of Jnnfigadh," Ind. 
Ant (No7. 1873) vol. II. p. 813. 


race were dethroned the Yalabhi kings extend- 
ed their sway " over K a c h h, Lat-d e s a,* and 

Bhatarka must have established himself 
at Yalabhi about 160 Qupta Saihvat ; and of 
the dynasty ho founded we have numerous copper 
plates, discovered at Wala and elsewhere in the 
peninsula, which, in recording grants to Br4h- 
mans and Bauddha ascetics,. give also the genea- 
logy of the family and important dates in their 
reigns. From such of these as have been trans- 
latedt we gather that — 

I. Bhatarka Senapati was followed by 
four of his sons in succession. 
II. Dharasena Senapati, eldest son. of 

UI. D r o n a s i n h a, Maharaja, a second son 
of Bhatarka, ** whose royal splendour was sancti- 
fied by the great gift, his solemn coronation 
performed in person by the Supreme Lord, the 
Lord Paramount of the whole earth/* J 

IV. Dhruvasena I., a third brother, 
whose sister's daughter D u d d a was a Baud- 

* The coUectorates of Sarat, Bharoch, Kh^da, and parU 
of Barod& territory. 

t Tind. Ant. vol. I. pp. 14, 18, 45, 60 ; vol. III. pp. 8S6» 
308 ; vol. IV. pp, 104 and 174 ; Jour. As. Soc, Bang, vol- 
IV. pp. 401, 476ff. ; vol. VII. pp. 849, 966ff. ; Jour. Bo. 
Br. R. As. Soc.f vol. III. pt. ii. pp. 818flf. ; vol. VII. p. 116 ; 
vol. VIII. pp. 280, S46 ; vol. X. pp. 66ff. 

X Copper plates, Ind. Ant. vol. I. p. 61; vol. ly. p« 
196; Jour. As. 8oc. Beng. vol. IV. p. 48L 


dha devotee, and founded a monastery. The 
plate mentioning this is dated Samvat 216 
(evidently of the Gupta era), other two bear 
dates 207 and 210. 

V. Dharapatta, the youngest son of 
Bhatarka, who was succeeded by — 

VI. Guhasena, his son, of whom there are 
copper plates dated respectively 250, 256 (or 
2"66), and 258. The second grants four villages 
to " the community of the reverend Sakya monks 
belonging to the eighteen schools [of the Hina- 
yana], who have come from various directions 
to the great convent of D u d d a, built by the 
venerable Dudda.** 

VII. Sri Dharasena II., the son of Guha- 
sena, of whom we have also grants, dated 272 
and 277. 

VIII. Siladitya (Dharmaditya) I., son of 
Dharasena, also made a grant to a Bauddha 
community dated G. 286. 

IX. Kharagraha, his brother. 

X. Sri Dharasena III., son of Khara- 

XI. Dhruvasena II., younger son of 

XII. Sri Dharasena (Baladitya) IV ., 
second son of Dhruvasena, of whom there are 
two grants, both dated G. 326, — one to priests 
of the Mahayana school, belonging to a monas« 
tery erected byDivirapatiSkandabhat- 
ta; and the other to Brfihmans of Sinlia- 


pur a, — the modem Sihor. A third grant is 
dated S. 329. 

XIII. Dhruvasena III., the son of Dera- 
bhatta and grandson of Siliiditya I. 

XIV. Kharagraha II., the brother of 
Dhruvasena III. 

XV. Siladitya II., son of ^iladitja, the 
brother of Dhruvasena III. and Kharagraha II. 

XVI. Siladitya III., his son, of whom 
there are two grants dated 356, and one 358. 

XVII. S i 1 A d i t y a IV., son of Siladitya in., 
of whom a plate has been found dated S. 403. 

XVm. Siladitya V. 

XIX. Siladitya VI. 

It was either during the reign of D h r u v a- 
s e n a II., or of this last Siladitya, who was 
surnamed Dhruvabhatta, that the Chinese 
Bauddha pilgrim Hiwen-Thsang visited 
Western India, and apparently V a 1 a b h i itself 
(cir. A.D. 635-638). His account§ runs thus: — 
" The kingdom ofFa-lapi is about 6,000 li ( 1 200 
miles) in circuit ; the capital has a circumference 
of 30 li (6 miles). As to the products of the soil, 
nature of the climate, the manners and character 
of the people, they are like those ofMa-la-p^o (Ma- 
Iwa). The population is very numerous, and all 
the families live in wealth. There are a hundred 
whose wealth amounts to a million. The rarest 

§ Stanislas Jalien's Mimoires sur les Qontries Occi- 
denfales, torn. II. pp. 162 ff. ; Histoire de la Vi9 de 
Biouen-Thsang, pp. 869-71, 868, 447. 


merchandize from distant conntries is found 
here in abundance. There are a hundred con- 
vents, where nearly 6,000 devotees live, who for 
the most part study the doctrines of the Ching- 
liang-pu (school or nikdy a of the Sammatiyas) 
which adheres to the 'lesser translation' 
(^Hmaydna).\\ We count several hundred tem- 
ples of the gods ; and the heretics of various 
sects are exceedingly numerous. 

"When the Tathagata (Buddha) lived in 
the world he travelled often in this region. 
Wherefore in all the places where the Buddha 
rested King A s o k a raised pillars in honour 
of him, or constructed stupas. We observe 
at intervals the monuments that mark the 
places where the three past Buddhas had sat, 
performed deeds, or preached the law. 

" The kings of the present age are of Tsa^ti- 
li (Kshatriya) race; all are nephews of king 
Shulo-' o-tie-to (S i 1 a d i t y a) of M a 1 v a. At 
present (about a.d. 636) the son of king Sila- 
d i t y a of Kie-jo-ha-she (Kanyakubja),hasa son- 
in-law called OTu'lu-p^O'pO'tUt^ Dhruvapatu.* 
He is of a quick and passionate nature, and his 
intellect is weak and narrow : still he believes 
sincerely in * the three precious things. 'f For 
seven days every year he holds a great assembly 

(In Climese, Siao-ching ; Sans. BinayAna, 
Bn Chinoifl Ch'ang-jui, " constamment intelligent.*' 
• Or Dhruvabhatta, Jour. B. As, Soc, yoL VL 
p. 329. 
t Sans. Triratna,. 


at which he distributes to the multitude of 
recluses choice dishes, the three garments^ 
medicine, the seven precious things, and rare 
objects of great value. After giving all these 
in alms, he buys them back at double price. 
He esteems virtue and honours the sages, he 
reverences religion and values soience. The 
most eminent holy men of distant countries are 
always objects of respect With him. 

** At a little distance from the city there is a 
great convent, built long ago by the care of the 
Arhat ^Oche-lo (Achara). It was there that the 
Bodhisattvas Te-Iioe (Gunamati), and Kienrhoe) 
(Sthiramati) fixed their abode and composed 
several books which are all published with 

" On leaving this country he went about 700 U 
(140 miles) to the north-west, and arrived at the 
kingdom of ^O-nan-fo-jpu-lo. The kingdom of 
(*0-nan'fo-pu-lo) Anandapura has a circuit 
of about 2,000 li (400 miles) ; the circumference 
of the capital is a score of U (5 miles) . The 
population is very numerous, and all the families 
live in wealth. There is no (native) prince. 
The country is dependent on Ma-la-p'o (Malwa), 
which it resembles in the products of its soil, 
nature of the climate, written character, and 
laws. There are a dozen convents, counting 
somewhat under a thousand devotees, who study 
the doctrine of the Ghing-liang -pu (nikdya or 
school of the Sammatiyas) belonging to the- 


lesser translation' (Rinaydna), There are 
many dozen temples of the gods ; heretics of 
different sects live intermixed. "J 

Such is the account of the Chinese pilgrim. 
The convent of ^Oche-lo, which he mentions as 
being in the vicinity of Valabhi, Dr. Biihler 
has found mentioned in a grant ofDharasena 
II., as founded bjAtharya, not " Achara,"" 
as Julien has transliterated the Chinese name. 

The Anandapura here mentioned is pro- 
bably the same as that referred ta in the Kalpa-- 
Sutra of the Jainas, as one of their early centres 
of learning, and where that work was com- 
posed by Sri BhadraBahuSvami, in the 
year 980 of their era, during the reign of 
Dhruvasena II., who had just then been 
deeply aflflicted by the loss of his beloved son S e- 
nagaja. M. Vivien de Saint-Martin, follow- 
ing Stevenson, places it outside the peninsula 
— at Badnagar, or Vadanagar, in northern 
Gujarat, about twenty miles east -south-east 
from Siddhpur. From the connection in which 
it occurs, however, we might expect it rather to 
to be within the peninsula ; and, though the 
distance does not agree with Hiwen-Thsang's^ 
there is still a place called Anandapura, fifty 
miles (250 li) north-west from Valabhi, which 
was very probably in early times the capital of 
a province including parts of the modem 

J See continnation of Hiwen Thsang's narratiTe in Note 
ly pp. 33, 34. 


Jhalawad, Kathiawad, and Halar. This gains 
snpporfc from the mention ofDhruvasenaof 
Yalabhi, who must have been closely connected 
with Anandapurato lead the writer of the 
Kalpa-Sutra to refer to his family afflictions; and 
the accuracy of the latter is corroborated by 
Dr. Burns's copper plate, stating that S r i D h a- 
rasena IV. was Dhruvasena*s second 

How the Valabhi dynasty ended we do not 
exactly know. We see that in the eighth 
century it still held Sorath, and even northern 
Gujarat. Tradition is almost unanimous in 
asserting that a Siladitya was overthrown 
and slain by a foreign invader. Merutunga, 
the Jaina chronicler, gives a legendary account 
of its destruction. A Marwadi, he says, from 
Pali had settled at Valabhi and attained to 
great wealth. Siladitya forcibly took the jew- 
elled comb of this man's daughter to give to 
his own daughter, which so offended the Mar- 
wadi that, to be revenged, he went to * the 
Mlechha country' and offered the king an im- 
mense reward to destroy Valabhi. The Jaina 
priests had warning and took to flight, carry- 
ing their favourite idols with them, and by 
this Mlechha lord Valabhi was utterly destroy-* 
ed in Sam vat 375. Bat this date cannot be 
correct, whatever be the epoch from which it 
is reckoned. Moreover, Siladitya VI. may not 
have been the last of the dynasty, so that if 


Valabhi was destroyed by a foreign it was 
probably by a Muhammad an invader, from or 
through Sindh — not earlier than 750 a.d., and 
possibly later. In an inscription from Baroda 
of Raja Karka II., dated Saka 734, or a.d. 812, 
it is said that under Karka I. Saurashtra had 
" lost its appellation of Saurajya from the ruin 
that had fallen upon it.'' This destruction of 
the country may refer to forays by the same 
invaders in the eighth century, about the time 
when Vanallaja founded the Chavada king- 
dom ofAnhillavada, in northern Gujarat. 

Tradition says that on the fall of Vala- 
bhi the Yiila governor of Vamanasthali 
became independent. Raja Rama had no 
son, but his sister was married to the R^ja of 
Nagar Thatha, in Sindh, who was of the 
S a m m a tribe. This sister's son was named 
Ra Gario, and Rama Raja bequeathed the 
kingdom of Junagadh-Vanthalito thip 
nephew, who was the first of the Chuda- 
sama Ras of Junagadh. This Ra Ga- 
rio, the grandson of R a i C h u d a, is said to 
have extended his dominions into Upper India, 
conquering Kanauj, Gwalior, and Dohad, in 

There were petty kingdoms, however, estab- 
lished in various parts of the peninsula, as at 
Dhank, Deva Patfcan, <fcc., of the history of 
which we know but little. TheChavadas 
and Solankis of A nhillay 4da Pattan 


made frequent inroads against these chiefs, but 
do not seem to have ever permanently sub- 
jugated the western portions of the country, 
where the J e t h y a s and Chudasamas 
held sway, the latter till the fifteenth century, 
when they were reduced by^d Begada 
in 1469-70. 

The narrative of Banchodji son of Amarji, 
the Diwan of Junagadh about the commence- 
ment of the pres ent c^ntory; begins at a much 
latter <late, but cursorily notices the dynasty 
of the Chudasamas. It is in reality a chronicle 
of his own times, and will be found not devoid 
of interest. 


Sahkara Jagat Pati, 

The Lord oflords descriptions cannot land ;: 
In ail attempts our weakness we confess. 
Every plant whereon the zephyr of his lov€> 

once breathes must flonrish, and whatever his- 

wrath touches withers for time and eternity. 

Whoever enjoys his favour attains happiness,- 

but he abideth in misery from whom the rays 

of his light are turned away. 

This Sovereign ta all monarchs grants power, 

The face of the earth is his board — 

As a banquet of dainties to firiends and to foes. 

To diadems the meanest of men he can raise, 

And Sultans to the dust can aba^e ; 

All-powerful is he and worketh his will. 

This poorest of Nagars, R a n c h o d j i, the- 
son of Amarji Diwan, humbly informs 
those who examine histories and peruse chro- 
nicles that, as many accounts written concern- 
ing the Shahs of India^and o^ Gujarat are well- 
known, it seemed useless to repeat what has 
already been narrated. Accordingly, from a> 
&eling of attachment to his native country,, he^ 


will confine his account to the states of Junagadh 
and Hallar, and the affairs of other Rajas as 
it has come to his knowledge from the oral, 
statements of intelligent men, and from written 

Description of the Sirkar of JunAqadh. 


The fort ofJunagadhis called in Sanskrit 
Karana Kubj a,* but as an account of it i^ 
given in the Prahhdsa Khanda of the Skanda 
Pur dm I shall describe its present state only. 
The citadel, called U p a r k o t, is strongly built 
of stone, and is situated in a valley at the foot 
of Mount G i r n a r ; it has eighty- four turrets, 
two gates, and two wdvsf — one of the latter 
called Adi, and the other called Chadi, — ^built 
by Raja Nonghan's slave- girls. J There 
is also a kuvo (or draw-well) excavated by Noii- 
ghan and named after him. The stone dug out 
to form the fosse around the fort served for the 
construction of the towers and battlements; 
and, in case of a siege, there is a subterranean 
passage leading into the fort on the east side, 
which might be used to convey provisions to 
the garrison. 

There is a tradition that the U p a r k o t, or 

• The Persian MS. has here Karankonj, the Gujar&ti 
Karana Kuvira: Jirangadh is given by Major Watson, 
Ind. Ant. vol. III. p. 43. See Note 1, page 33. 

t Wells with descents to the water by flights qf steps. 

X The Gxyar&ti reads, * by a Pftsayan (slaye-girl or kept 
migtress) of Bfija Nonghan.' 



fort, was built by the Yadava Raja Ugarasena,§ 
when he fled from Mathura in dread of Kala 
Yavana Shah of Kihorasan, and came to the 
Sorath country. It is said that in Sam vat 1507 
(a.d. 1450) Raja Mandalik repaired the fort of 
Uparkot. || Afterwards, in the reign of Shah 
Akbar, A'isa Khan came from Sindh to be the 
Subahdar, and built the wall of the city in Sam- 
vat 1690 (a.d. 1633) with a hundred and four- 
teen turrets and nine gates, — four of which 

§ The Gujarfiti translator, Ma^isliankara Jatashankara 
Mujamundar, adds a note here, that ' he had learnt from 
RAn! MagA, the Vahivanch&s (or keeper of the genealogies) 
of the Ghnd&samA Mags, that at JunAgadh, on the RevatA- 
chal, there ruled a king Revata, who gave his daughter 
Revati to Baladeva, the brother of Sr! Krishna, and be- 
stowed this fort in kanyMdn, or marriage dowry, on the 
YAdava Baladeva.' This was doubtless derived from the 
Harivayhia. It is there said that A n a r 1 1 a was the son 
of oaryAti, and Anartta's son was Reva, who ruled the 
country of A n a r 1 1 a — a part of Sur Ashtra, * bounded on 
one side by the sea and on the other by ArApa, with Giri'^ 
vara (Girnar ?) for its fortress.* Raivata Kakudmin was 
the eldest of the hundred children of Reva, and succeeded 
him on the throne of Kusasthali. This prince went one 
day, accompanied by his daughter Revati, to the abode of 
Brahma, where for a little while (of the gods, but really 
many human ages) he assisted at a concert of Gandharv&s. 
On returning he found his capital occupied by the Y&davas 
and named D^Aravati. Raivata thereon gave his daughter 
to Balar&ma and retired as a devotee to Mount Meru. 
{Harivarhia, ch. 10, 93, 111, 112, and 153.) As R a i v a t a 
is the proper name of GimAr, this reads as if intended 
to be understood as an allegory. — Ed. 

II This is shown by an inscription over the gate, now 
much defaced. 


were kept open, ^nd five closed. In Samvat 
1718 (a.d. 1661) the fort was renovated and 
improved by Mirza A'isa Tor Khan. 

Round the city are tanks bearing the follow- 
ing names : — Khokhariya, Jhabaria, Pari, Setha, 
Vaghesvari, Jamiyal Sa, Knnvara, Varsa^ 
Vandravana, &c. : there are also himds, as the 
Brahmakund, Saras vatikund, [Damaknnd, Pa- 
taknnd,] Khasl Kund, and others. 

The suburbs around the city are named Kha- 
madrol, Hara, Madanpur, Josipur, Daulatpur^ 
Tenbawadi, Dharagar ; there is also the place 
Bara Shahid, or graves of the twelve martyr» 
who fell in the battle with R4ja JayasinhaT 
in the year S. 1395 (a.d. 1338). There are also 
gardens, such as the Basaratbagh, Sirdarbagh, 
the Bahadurbagh^ and others, which are always 
fresh, blooming, and noted for their excellent 
fruits, as rayanas^ custard-apples, guavas, and 
especially mangoes. 

The Nagar Brahmans, — who commit to me- 
mory the glorious Fec?a, study religious books, 
and, if so minded, are able by a single glance of 
protection to preserve others from destructive 
calamities, — inconsequence of the vicissitudes of 
the times, the attacks of the Musalman and 
the Dekhani armies, are themselves now fallen 
from their former rank of zamindars of 

T This was Jayasinha ChtidAsam&, wlio tuled from a.d. 
1333 till 1345. 
* JJfi-musojps 'hexm\d(,Yi% — Roxb. 


Vadanagar, Visalnagar, Tharad, Sathodar, 
- Ac. to that of beggars. These, as well as the 
Brahmakhatris, who were as skilled with 
the sword as they themselves with the pen, 
were brought hither by the Ranas of Junagadh. 
Both these castes enjoyed special privileges 
secured by parwdnds, and by a stone inscrip- 
tion set up in the middle of the baz^, exempt- 
ing them from paying various taxes. These 
rights are still continued, [but the stone in- 
scription is not now to be seen]. 

In this country have been settled from time im- 
memorial — Gimara Brahmans, Ahers,* Khants, 
Kolis, Parmar Rajpiits, Vaghelas, Vaja Rajpiits, 
Ohudasama Rajputs, Sarasvati and Soratha 
Brahmans, as well as the Surthi people. There 
are also Lohanas and Bhatias, whom king 
N o n g h a n brought from Sindh. The govern- 
ors and Naibs of the Ahmadabad and Dihli 
Sultans maintained Sayyids, Baluchis, Lodis, 
and Afghans in various offices, paying them sa- 
laries and pensions ; but the cultivating classes 
immigrated from Gujarat. 

Mount G i r n ar lies to the east of the city : 
it vies with the sky in height, and its huge mass 
causes the earth to tremble under it : — 

Its pinnacles touch heaven's lofty face, 

Its 'rocks the earth's foundation form ; 

Ever in bloom are the bushes that wave on 
its sides, 

With fruits its trees are laden heavily. 


The top of the mountain is adorned by the tem- 
ple of Sri Girnari Nath, which is visited by Hin- 
dus from all quarters. There are abundant springs 
of water, many fruits, and various and useful 
vegetables, as well as countless medicinal plants. 
The springs of Gaumukh and Kamandala vie 
with Kawther, and Bhimakund Sakara-kuvo, 
and Hathipagla with the Salsabil of Paradise 
in sweetness. 

The three temples opposite the fort or D e v a- 
k o t were erected by two Bania brothers, Yas- 
tupal and Tejahpal. Tradition runs that a 
widow, on paying a visit to her guru, was told 
that she would give birth to two famous sons ; 
but a person present objected that as she was a 
widow she could have no offspring. A camel- 
driver, however, who was sleeping near, happen- 
ing to overhear the conversation, immediately 
got up, seated the woman on his camel, and took 
her to his home, where in due course of time she 
was delivered of two infants, one of whom was 
named Vastupal, and the other Tejahpal, who 
built these temples in Saihvat 1288t (a.d. 1231). 

The large temple near the Bhimakund was 
built in Saihvat 1619 (a.d. 1462), and con- 
secrated on 15th Karfcik by Raja Satarath. The 
fort and the chambers were built of black stone 
by Rao Khengar of Junagadh. He built also 

t One copy has S. 1277, i-e. a.d. 1221 ; both dates occur 
in the inscriptions on the triple temple built by the bro- 
thers. See Report on the Antiquities of KdlhiAwM and 
Kachhf p. 169. 



an idol-house with eighty-four duhhdns (small 
rooms) for pilgrims ; a,nd, though it cannot be 
called a house of God, no one is- outside God's 

Ifc is said that five thousand years ago, when 
Nomina thj of the Yadu tribe heard the 
cries of the sheep, pigs, and buffaloes that had 
been collected for a banquet, he imagined they 
were calling for justice, and accordingly he set 
them at liberty, but himself retired from this 
wicked world to Mount Girnar, where he became 
an ascetic, on the spot where a temple was af- 
terwards built in Samvat 1333 (a.d. 1277), du- 
ring the reign of RAja Mandalik. 

From Junasradh to the Chillah of Datatri on 
the mountain, which pilgrims call Guru Datatri, 
and the Musalmans the shrine of Shah Madar, 
the Jogis the footprint of Gorakhnath, the 
Sravaks the seat of Neminath, and others that of 
Parsvanath, a road was constructed in Samvat 
1882§ (a.d. 1826) by a merchant of Diva (Biu) 
bandar named Sanghaji. From the gate of the 
fort } to the mandap of Sri Girnar Mata there 
are !^J96 stone steps, and from Gaumukh to 
Hanumandvara there are 968. 

To the south of Girnar is the Chillah of Jamiyal 
Shah, which is visited by pilgrims from great dis- 

X See note 2 at page 47. 

§ The MSS. read 1682 and 1683, but the road was under 
construction when Col. Tod visited Jun&gadh in 1822. 


tances, who profess to derive great benefits from 
their visit. The Surajkund to the north, the cell 
of KaHka, the Oghad Padaka, and the Maddhi 
Bharathi on the east side, are noted for their 
miracles, and at each devotees sit like lions in- 
tent on hunting the gazelle of salvation. 

At the foot of the mountain on the west side, 
which may be compared to the approach to the 
throne for the constant worship of God, is the 
temple of Sri Bhavanath, Paithesvar, or Maha- 
deva, which is visited twice a year by bands 
of Atits and pilgrims, who walk round it, and 
bring to the fair, as articles of trade, arms, 
shawls, jewels, and other goods. 

There are various rest-houses for travellers 
along the ascent to the mountain, which are 
named Panchapandava, Chodiya Parab, K.^li 
Parab, Dholi Parab, Mali Parab, Suvavdi Parab, 
so called because a female pilgrim was there 
delivered of a son, the name signifying " the 
Rest-house of good delivery.'* 

To the west of Girnar are also situated the 
temples of Sri Vagesvari Mata and Damodar 
Baya, with the Vagesvari Kund and Damodar 
Kund. In the latter the bones of corpses melt. 
The Revati Kund is always full of water, 
and from the sands of the Suvarnarekha gold was 
washed in ancient times.* It flows from the 
' mountain, and it is also the common belief that 

* This belief probably arose from the reddisb-yellQw 
grains of mica with which the soil abounds.. 


there exists on the mountain a spring concealed 
from human eyes, called Raskup, which pos- 
sesses the property of changing everything into 
gold, and the following legend is told of it : — 
Not very many years ago, a Brahman having 
lost his way, and being thirsty, tied his gourd 
to a rope when he arrived at this spring, intend- 
iDg to draw water, when all at once he heard 
the words ^^Bha/r Bankdni ndmiUy' i.e. " Fill in 
the name of Ranka." In spite of astonishment 
he quenched his thirst, again filled the gourd, 
went to the town, and, suspending it on a nail 
in the house of a blacksmith, an old acquaintance 
of his, who lived on the public way, he went off 
on some business. It happened that a few 
drops of the water fell on the anvil and hammer, 
which were beneath the gourd, and changed 
them into pure gold ; whereupon the blacksmith 
made good use of so splendid an opportunity of 
bounty from the invisible world, by transmut- 
ing into gold every piece of iron he had in the 
shop. In this way he became as rich as Qarun.^ 
When the Brahman returned he perceived that 
his gourd was empty, but the house full of gold ; 
and on asking the blacksmith for his name the 
reply was Ranka. Accordingly he said, " Your 
deposit you have received.'* 
Hemistich : — What is your fate will overtake 
you, sure ! 

T The Gujar&ti has Kubera, the god of wealth. 


It is said that the blaoksmith* gave a nugget 
of gold to the Brahman ; but God knows best. 

In the fort there are two large cannon, taken , 
with other spoils from the Portuguese of Diu ; 
they were cast in Egypt a.h. 937 ; one of them 
is eleven, and the other nine cubits long. 

On the 'top of the mountain the following 
localities also are remarkable : — Hanumand vara, 
the Paduka of Ramanand, Bhairavajap, Bora- 
devi,Jata-Sankara-Mahadeva,Jadesvara, Siddha- 
karani Mata, Muchhakanda Rajrajesvara Maha- 
deva, and many others not necessary to mention. 

During the lapse of time, the fort of U p a r- 
k o t was deserted, but was taken possession of 
in Saihvat 1804 (a.d. 1747) by Mansia Khat, 
who became the source of much trouble. After- 
wards it was made a choki^ but was on several 
occasions occupied by Arabs, whom the Navab 
Saheb succeeded in expelling. 

The length of this Subah, from the port of 
.Ghogha to Aramra, is one hundred and two 
kos ; and its breadth, from the port of D i v a to 
Sardhara, is seventy-two hos. Some say 
that the government of the Chudasama Raj- 
puts extended as far as the town of B u r a d, 
situated on the banks of the Sabarmati near 
Khambayat, and that it was called the govern- 
ment of S o r a t h. 

In this Sirkar there are 500 mdlguzdri vil- 
lages (with 37,200 houses and 120,060 men). 


paying chauthy which are well established, and 
the neighbourhood of the fortress is also po- 
pulous. The forts of Majewadi and Kadia 
are flanked by four towers. The revenue, in- 
cluding Bantwa, aniounts to eight lakhs of 
rupees. In most of the mahdls the revenue 
was assessed by a rough guess (made by inspect- 
ing the standing crops), which system is in Hindi 
called dhdl; but in a fewmahals the Government 
share of the produce is taken in the grain- yard. 
Bero [vero, land-tax] is levied on every plough. 
Sipahis and Sayyids and Nagars pay no zakdt 
[customs dues]. The current hori* Nagher 
Pargana is the Chdndshdhi or Padshahi and the 
Divi rupee. The Parganas are Salem, Banthali, 
Kutiana, Bhad Mlari, Aliah, Biarej, Chorvad, 
Bandar Vera val, Patan Div, Sutrapada, Kodiana, 
Una, Delwada, "and collective Parganas : — Man- 
grol, Jetpur, Bandar Jhanapoli, Ranpur, Bagas- 
ra, Bilkha, Sil Bandar, Vera val, andAmreli. 

Note 1 at page 24. 

[Junagadh, * the old fort,'t — anciently Qirina- 
garay — is a place of great antiquity and his- 
torical interest. We find it visited in the seventh 
century by the indefatigable Chinese Buddhist 
traveller Hiwen Thsang,J whose journal runs 
thus : — 

* A rupee is equal to 3i koris. 

t Not Yhvanagchra^ as erroneously supposed by Lassen. 

X Vide ante, pp. 16-19. 

34 NOTE 1 — ON 

*' Leaving the kingdom of Valabhi (near 
Bhaunagar), Hiwen Thsang went about 100 miles 
to the west, and reached the kingdom of Sti-la- 
clCa (Saurashtra). This realm is nearly 800 
miles in circuit. The capital has a circumference 
of six miles, and upon the west side {tlie country) 
touches the river Mo-hi (Mahi). Its inhabitants 
are very numerous, and all the families are 
wealthy. The country is subject to the kingdom 
of Valabhi. The soil is impregnated with salt, 
and its flowers and fruits are few. Though heat 
and cold are equally distributed over the year, 
storms of wind never cease. Indifference and 
coldness characterize the manners ; the people are 
superficial, and do not care to cultivate learning 
(nor the arts). Some follow the true doctrine, 
and others are given to heresy. There are some 
fifty convents, where they count about three thou- 
sand recluses {the most part of the school Shang- 
t80-pu)t who study the doctrines of the (Arya) 
Sthavira sect, which holds by the * greater trans- 
lation' (Mahdydna). There are a hundred temples 
of the gods (Devalayas), and the heretics of dif- 
ferent sects live together. As this realm is on the 
way to the Western Sea, all the inhabitants profit 
by the advantages the sea affords, and give them- 
selves to tra^de and barter." 

** At a short distance from the {capital) city 
rises Mount Yeu-shen-ta (Ujjanta§) upon the top of 
which a monastery is established. The chambers 
and galleries have been mostly hollowed out in the 
face of a scarped peak. The mountain is covered 

§ Ujjayanta, one of the names of Raivata or Gim&r. 


with thick forests, and streams from the springs 
surround it on all sides. || There holy men and 
sages walk and fix their abode, and thither resort 
crowds of Rishia endowed with divine faculties." 

Of the Buddhist convents he speaks of there are 
still evidences. On the Uparkot there is a very 
large half -ruined masjid, near which a curious exca- 
vation was discovered about ten years ago and 
opened up. It consists of a hall and a neat tank 
or bath, with a second story or galleries above. 
The hall has six principal pillars with very elabo- 
rate capitals ornamented with groups of human 
figures, mostly females. And again, outside the 
Uparkot, both to the north and south, in the 
sandstone of which it is formed, there are numer- 
ous excavations of great age ; whilst, at a short dis- 
tance, the masjid at Mahi Ghadechi is built above 
a Buddhist cave-temple having still two pillars 
and two pilasters in front, with lions rampant as 
brackets outside the scarcely formed capitals. 
There are also numbers of Bauddha caves near 
B&wa Pyara's Math. 

But about half a mile to the westward of the 
town, at the entrance of the dell or valley leading 
in between two of the hills that girdle the mighty 
and sacred Gim&r, is the antiquity of Junagadh — 
the rock inscribed with the edicts of Asoka 
Skandagupta and Eudra Dama. This remarkable 
lapidary monument of antiquity seems to have been 
first described by Colonel Tod, who saw it in 1822, 
and remarked the similarity of the characters 

[I Or — " and one hears the mnrmur of gushing fountains.'* 
— Vie de Hiouen-Thsang. Documents G^ogra/phiques, p. 


86 NOTE 1 — ON 

upon it to those of the Dilhi L&fc and the Buddhist 
caves ; but his Travels were not published till 
1839, and it was the Rev. Dr. J. Wilson who first 
obtained a transcript of it, a copy of which was 
forwarded to Mr. James Prinsep, of Calcutta, early 
in 1837, who translated it. 

These inscriptions contain fourteen paragraphs, 
tablets, or * edicts' of Asoka, the great Buddhist 
emperor of India, who ruled about 262 to 226 
B.C., and who constantly styles himself ** R&ja 

They have since been retranslated and comment- 
ed on by Professors H. H. Wilson, E. Burnouf, 
C. Lassen, and Dr. H. Kern. The following are 
the best translations now available. Those who 
wish to see full transcripts, &c. must consult the 
Antiquities of Kdthidwdd and Kachh (pp. 95 to 127), 
or Indian Antiquary (vol. V. pp. 257-276). 

Translations of (he AS oka Edicts. 

I. "This is the edict of the beloved of the 
gods, the Raj& Priyadasi. The putting to 
death of animals is to be entirely discontinued, 
and no convivial meeting is to be held : for the be- 
loved of the gods, Rdja Priyadasi, remarks 
many faults in such assemblies. There is but one 
assembly, indeed, which is approved of by the 
Raja Pfiyadasi, the beloved of the gods, 
which is that of the great kitchen of R & j a 
Pfiyadasi ; every day hundreds of thousands 
of animals have been slaughtered for virtuous- 
purposes ; but now, although this pious edict is 
proclaimed, that animals may be killed for good 
purposes, and such is the practice, yet, as the 


practice is not determined, these presents are 
proclaimed, that hereafter they shall not be 

II. ** In the whole dominion of king D e v a- 
n&mpriyaPfiyadarsin, as also in the adja- 
cent countries, asChola, Pandya, Satyapu- 
t r a, K e r a 1 a p u t r a , as far as T a ra r a p a r n *, 
the kingdom ofAntiochus the Gr r e c i a n king, 
and of his neighbour kings, the system of caring 
for the sick, both of men and cattle, followed by 
King Devdndmpriya Priyadarsin, has been every- 
where brought into practice; and at all places 
where useful healing herbs for men and cattle 
were wanting he has caused them to be brought 
and planted ; and at all places where roots and 
fruits were wanting he has caused them to be 
brought and planted ; also he has caused wells to 
be dug and trees to be planted on the roads, for 
the benefit of men and cattle."* 

III. " King Priyadasi says : This was or- 
dained by me when I had been twelve years inau- 
gurated in the conquered country — that among 
those united in the law, whether strangers or my 
own subjects, quinquennial expiation shall be held 
for the enforcement of moral obligations, as duty 
to parents, friends, children, relations, Brahroans, 
and Sramanas. Liberality is good ; non-injury 
of living creatures is good ; and abstinence from 
prodigality and slander is good. The Assembly 
itself will instruct the faithful in the virtues here 

^ The above is Wilson's— Jour. R. As. Soc. vol. XIT. 
p. 164. The translation of this edict has not been revised 
by either Bnrnouf or Kern. 

* Kern, ut sv/p. p. 91. 

38 NOTE 1. 

enumerated, both by explanation and by exam- 

IV. ** In past times, during many centuries, 
attacking animal life and inflicting suffering on 
the creatures, want of respect for Brdhmans and 
Sramanas, have only grown greater. But now* 
when King Dev&n&mpyiyaPyiyadar^in 
practises righteousness, his kettledrum has be- 
come a summons to righteousness : while appa- 
ritions of chariots of the gods, and apparitions of 
celestial elephants, and fiery balls, and other signs 
in the heavens showed themselves to the people. 
In such a manner as has not been the case in 
many centuries previously, now, through the 
exhortation of King Devan&mpriya Pri- 
yadarsin to cultivate righteousness, has the 
sparing of animal life, the gentle treatment of 
creatures, respect for relatives, respect for Brah- 
mans and monks, obedience to father and mother, 
obedience to an elder, grown greater. This 
and many other kinds of virtuous practices have 
grown greater, and King Devanampriya 
Priyadarsin shall cause this practice of vir- 
tue to increase still more, and the sons, grandsons,, 
and great-grandsons of King Devanampriya 
Priyadarsin shall also cause this culture 
of virtue to increase ; standing steadfast in right- 
eousness and morality until the destruction of 
the world, they shall exhort to righteousness ; 
to exhort to righteousness is surely a very ex- 

t This is Wilson's translation of this tablet, proposed 

' subject to considerable donbt." M. Bnrnouf observes that 

this last sentence is more literally — " * D'aprds la caose et 

d'apr^ la letfare ;' k pen pr^s commo qoand on dit, au fond 

et dans la forme." 



cellent work, while from him who is immoral 
no practice of righteousness is to be expected. 
Increase, therefore, in these things, and no dimi- 
nution, is good ; for this end has this been writ- 
ten; may they attend heartily to the increase 
hereof, and not aim at the diminution of it ! King 
DevanampriyaPriyadarsin has caused 
this to be written twelve years after his inaugura- 

V. " The beloved of the gods, King P r i y a- 
d a 8 i, thus proclaims : Virtue is difficult of per- 
formance, therefore much good is to be done by 
me, and my sons and grandsons, and other my 
posterity (will) conform to it for every age. So 
they who shall imitate them shall enjoy happiness, 
and those who cause the path to be abandoned 
shall suffer misfortune. Vice is easily committed ; 
therefore Dharma Mah toatra (or great officers of 
morals) are appointed by me, in the thirteenth 
year of my inauguration, for the purpose of pre- 
siding over morals among persons of all the 
religions, for the sake of the increase of virtue, and 
for the happiness of the virtuous, among the people 
of Kamboja, Gandhara, R&shtrika, 
and P i t e n i k a. They shall . also be spread 
among the warriors, the Brdhmans, the mendi- 
cants, the destitute, and others, without any 
obstruction, for the happiness of the well-disposed, 
in order to loosen the bonds of those who are 
bound, and liberate those who are confined, 
through the means of holy wisdom disseminated 
by pious teachers ; and they will proceed to 

X This and the Vlth are fi'om Dr. Kem*s version. 

40 NOTE 1. 

the outer cities and fortresses of my brother 
and sister, and wherever are any other of my 
kindred ; and the ministers of morals, those who 
ar^ appointed as superintendents of morals, shalf, 
wherever the moral law is established, give en- 
couragement to the charitable and those addicted 
to virtue. With this intent their edict is written, 
and let my people obey it."§ 

YI. "King D e v&n&mpriya Priyadar- 
8 i n saith : In past times there has never yet 
existed care for the (civil) interests, nor official 
superintendence ; therefore have I instituted the 
same ; all the time that I have been reigning 
there have been everywhere inspectors over the 
women, sanctuaries, travelling pilgrims(P), trad- 
ers (or trade-markets), and parks for walking, 
in order to attend to the interests of my people, || 
and in all respects I further the interests of my 
people;^ and whatever I declare, or whatever 
the Mah&matra shall declare, shall be re- 
ferred to the council for decision. Thus shall 
reports be made to me. This have I everywhere, 
and in every place, commanded, for to me 
there is not satisfaction in the pursuit of worldly 
afifairs ; the most worthy pursuit is the prosperity 
of the whole world. My whole endeavour is to 
be blameless towards all creatures, to make them 
happy here below, and enable them hereafter 

5 This has not been revised by Dr. Kem. The aboye 
is Professor Wilson's version, slightly modified by later 

II The Dhanli redaction reads : " All the time that I 
have been reigning, the inspectors over, &c. have had to 
communicate to me the interests of the people." 

% Thus far Kern's version, ut sxip. pp. 75, 76. 


to attain Svarga. With this view this moral 
edict has been written : may it long endnre, and 
may my 8ons» grandsons, and great-grandsons 
after me also labour for the universal good ! but 
this is difficult without extreme exertion/** 

VII. "Priyadasi, the king dear to the 
gods, desires that everywhere the ascetics of all 
persuasions should remain [in peace]-, they all 
desire the regulation that they exercise upon 
themselves, and purity of the soul; but people 
have different opinions and different likings, [and'] 
the ascetics obtain, whether the whole, or whether 
a part only [of what they o«&]* Nevertheless, for 
himself, to whom there reaches not a large alms, 
the empire over himself, purity of mind, know- 
ledge, and firm devotion which lasts for ever, this 
is good."t 

VIII. " In past times the kings went out on 
journeys of pleasure ; stag-hunting and other 
such-like recreations were in vogue. But king 
Dev&n&mpriya Priyadar6in, ten years 
after his inauguration, came to the true insight. 
Therefore he began a walk of righteousness, 
which consists in this, that he sees at his house 
and bestows gifts upon Brslhmans and monks, he 
sees at his house and presents elders with gold, 
he receives subjects of town and country, exhorts 
to righteousness and seeks righteousness. Since 
then, this is the greatest pleasure of king D e- 

* Lassen, Ind. Alt. vol. II. p. 263, note 1, Bnmonf {Lotus 
de la Bowne Loi. p. 654) translates the last sentence, *' mais 
cela est difficile k faire si ce n'est par nn h^roisme 

t From Bamonf's version. 

42 NOTE 1. 

vdn^mpriya Priyadarsinin the period 
after his coiiversion."f 

IX. "King Dev&n&mpriy a Priyadar- 
s i n speaks thus : It is a fact that men do all 
kinds of things which are thought to assure luck, 
as well in sicknesses as at betrothals and mar- 
riages, at the getting of children, or at going 
from home. On these and other occasions men 
do all kinds of things which are thought to bring 
prosperity. But he is a great fool who does all 
those manifold, multifarious, vain, and useless 
things. This, however, does not indeed remove 
the necessity^ of a man's doing something which 
will bring prosperity, but such a kind as has 
been named is of little use, while of great use is 
true piety. To that belongs proper treatment of 
servants and subordinates, sincere reverence for 
elders and masters, sincere self-restraint towards 
living beings, sincere charity to Br&hmana and 
monks. These and other such-like actions — 
that is called true piety. Every man must hold 
that forth to others, whether he is a father or a 
son, a brother, a lord ; this is noble ; this must a 
man do, as something that assures luck, until 
his aim has been fully attained. Mention was 
made just now of 'sincere charity :' now there is 
no charity, no affection to be compared to charity 
or affection springing from true piety. It is just 
this which a well-meaning friend, relative, or com- 
panion must, at every occurring opportunity, im- 
press on another, that this is duty, this is proper. 
By doing all this a man can merit heaven ; there- 

t This and the next four are from Dr. Kern's yersions. 


fore let him who wishes to gain heaven for himself 
fulfil, above all things, these his duties." 

X. "King Devanampriya Priyadar- 
8 i n does not deem that renown and great name 
bring advantage greatly, if, at the same time, his 
people, for the present and afterwards, were not 
practising right obedience, and following exhorta- 
tion to virtue. In so far only king Deva- 
nampriya Priyadarsin desires renown 
and great name. All, therefore, that King D e- 
v&nampriya- Priyadarsin strenuously 
strives after is for the life hereafter, so that he 
may be wholly and altogether free from blemish. 
Now blemish is the same as sinfulness. But such 
a thing is, indeed, difficult for anyone whatever, 
be he a person of low degree or of high station, 
unless with the utmost exertion of power, by 
sacrificing everything. But this is, indeed, most 
difficult for a person of high station." 

XI. "King Devindmpyiya Priyadar- 
sin speaks thus : There is no charity which equals 
right charity, or right conversation, or right 
liberality, or right relation. Under that is compre- 
hended proper treatment of servants and subordin- 
ates, sincere obedience to father and mother, sincere 
charity towards friends and acquaintances, Br&h- 
mans and monks, the sparing of animal life. This 
is to be commended as good, whether by father 
or by sons, by brothers, by friends, acquaintances, 
and relatives, nay, even by neighbours : thus it is 
good; thus must men act. He who acts thus 
makes this world a friend to him, and hereafter a 
man obtains for himself an imperishable reward 
through all that true charity." 

44 NOTE 1. 

XII. " King Dev&n&mpriya Priyadar- 
s i n honours all sects, and orders of monks, and 
conditions of heads of families, and honours 
them with love-gifts and with marks of honour of 
all kinds. To be sure, Devsfcnampriya does not 
attribute so much value to love-gifts or marks of 
honour as to this, that the good name and in- 
trinsic worth of all sects may increase. Now in- 
trinsic worth can grow greater in many ways, but 
the foundation thereof, in all its compass, is dis- 
cretion in speaking, so that no man may praise 
his own sect, or contemn another sect, or despise 
it on unsuitable occasions ; on all manner of 
occasions let respect be shown. Whatever of good> 
indeed, a man, from any motive, confers on any 
one of a diflferent persuasion, tends to the advan- 
tage of his own sect and to the benefit of a differ- 
ent persuasion ; by acting in an opposite manner 
a man injures his own sect and offends a different 
sect. Though every one who praises his own 
persuasion may perhaps do all that from attach- 
ment to his own sect, for the purpose of glorifying 
it, nevertheless he shall, by so doing, greatly 
injure his own persuasion. Therefore concord is 
best, so that all may* know and willingly listen 
to each other's religion. Because it is the wish 
of Dev&n&mpriya that the members of all 
persuasions may be well instructed, and shall 
adhere to a doctrine of benevolence. And to them 
who are inclined to all that, let the assurance be 
given that Devanampriya docs not attach so much 
value to love-gifts or show of xeverence as to this, 
that all sects may increase in good name and 
intrinsic worth, and be reverenced. For this end 

asoka's edicts. 45 

sheriffs over legal proceedings, magistrates en- 
trusted with the superintendence of the women, 
hospice-masters (P), and other bodies have been 
appointed. And the result of this is, that D e v &- 
n&mpriya's persuasion has increased in pros- 
perity, and that he causes the Righteousness to 
come forth in full splendour." 

XIII. " Whose equality and exertion 

towards that object, exceeding activity, judicious 

conduct afterwards in the K a 11 n g a 

provinces not to be obtained by wealth 

the decline of religion, murder and death, and 
unrestrained license of mankind ; when flourished 
the (precious maxims) ofDev&nampiya com- 
prising the essence of learning and of science : 
dutiful service to mother and father; dutiful 
service to spiritual teachers; the love of friend 
and child, (charity) to kinsfolk, to servants, (to 
Br&hmans and Sramanas, &c., which) cleanse away 
the calamities of generations ; further also in these 
things unceasing perseverance is fame.' There is 
not in either class of the heretics of men, not, so 
to say, a procedure marked by such grace, . . , 
^ . nor so glorious nor friendly, nor even so 
extremely liberal as Dev^nampiya's injun- 
tion for the non-injury and content of living 

creatures and the Greek king besides, 

by whom the kings of Egypt, Ptolemaios and 

AntigonoB, and M a g a s, Both 

here and in foreign (countries), everywhere the 
religious ordinances of Devanampiya effect 
conversion wherever they go ; . . . . . con- 
quest is of every description ; but, further, the 
conquest which bringeth joy springing from 

46 NOTE 1. 

pleasant emotions becometh joy itself ; the victory 
of virtue is happiness ; the victory of happiness is 
not to be overcome; that which essentially possesses 
a pledge of happiness, — such victory is desired in 
things of this world and things of the next 

XIY. "King^ Dev&n&mpriya Priya- 
d a r 8 i n has caused this righteousness-edict to 
be written, here concisely, there in moderate 
compass, in a third place again at full length, so 
that it is not found altogether everywhere worked 
out ; for the kingdom is great, and what I have 
caused to be written, much. Repetitions occur 
also, in a certain measure, on account of the agree- 
ableness of various points, in order that the people 
should in that way (the more willingly) receive it. 

If sometimes the one or other is written in- 
completely or not in order, it is because care has 
not been taken to make a good transcript, or by 
the fault of the copyist {i.e. the stone-engraver)." |1 

In one place only, namely, the signature of the 
Girn&r inscription, is Buddha referred to. Of 
this signature there remains-— 

. . va sveto hasti savaloha sukhdharo ndmam. 
What is left means — 

"The white elephantwhosenameis 
thebringerofhappinesstothe whole 

"That by this term S&kya is implied," Dr. 
Kern thinks, " there can be no doubt, since the 

§ Mr. Prinsep^s translation — Jour. B. -4s. 5o(7. yol. XII. 
pp. 227-233. A large part of the original of this edict has 
been broken off from the stone, which renders the trans- 
lation very difficult. 

II Dr. Kern's version. 

NOTE 2. 47 

legend s»ys that the Bodhisattva, the future 
Buddha, left heaven to bring happiness to men, 
and entered his mother's womb as a white 

Note 2 on page 29. 

[Neminatha or Arishtanemi, who 
gives his name to one of the summits of Girnar, 
and to whom the Jainas consider the whole mount 
as. sacred, is the twenty- second of their T^W^aw- 
karas or deified saints, — men who, through suc- 
cessful austerities, they imagine, have entered 
nirvdna, and have done with the evils of exist- 
ence. This one is the favourite object of wor- 
ship with the Digambara or naked Jainas. His 
complexion, they say, was black, and most, if 
not all, of his images here are of that colour; 
like all the other Tirthankaras, he was of royal 
descent, being the son of Samudravijaya, king 
of Sanryanagara or Soriyapuri, in the 
country of Kusavarta, and of the Harivansa race — 
his paternal uncle being Vasudeva, the father of 
the famous Krishna. At the age of three hundred 
he renounced the world, and leaving Dvarak4 went 
to Girn&r to spend the remaining seven hundred 
years of his long life in asceticism ; he received his 

* Bodhi,' or highest knowledge, whilst meditating 
at 6 e s h a V a n a, to the east of the Bhairava-jap, 
where footprints {pdgldn) are also carved — some 

• say Nemin^tha's, others BS.m4nanda's. His first 
convert was a kingD a 1 1 ^ t r i, to whom he became 
guruy after which he gradually rose to the exalted 
rank of a Tirthankara, and finally attained nirvdna 
on this lonely pinnacle of rock which retains his 

^ Kem, ut sttp. p. 48. 


name. He had as tutelary goddess, or familiar 
devi, AmbikS;Mat&, the same to whom the old 
temple on the first . summit is dedicated. The 
Mango tree is also appropriated to him by the 
6ravakas as his * Bo-tree/ whilst the vankha or 
conch-shell is his cognizance. He is, in fact, the 
Krishna of the Jainas. 

But it is not to them alone he is sacred here ; the 
Vaishnavas who come from the pilgrimage to 
Dvdrakd consider they only reap the fruit of their 
toils when they have paid their respects to Guru 

Mahals which pay all the Land and Customs 
Revenue Rights to JunIgadh. 

Vanthali has two stone forts, washed on 
different sides by the rivers O j h a t and b i n . 
The palace ofVamanrajaisin the town, a.s 
well as the Suraj Kund. The Tomb of Bhalla 
Shah, with the Asram of Kapilamuni, is cele- 
brated in this kasba. The kasbatis, who in 
former times became ^usalmans, immigrated to 
this country from N^i^ghor, and occupy them- 
selves with cultivation. 

Vanthali was for a long time known by the 
name of Patan, but Vahudipal Dhundhlimal 
the Yogi, who lived in the hills of Dhank, in his 
wrath pronounced the curse " Patan so daian /'* 
*' Patan, be buried !*' upon it; whereupon eighty- 
four towns bearing that name were swallowed 
up by the earth, and Patan shared the same fate, 
as may be seen even in our days, since, wher- 


ever excavations are made, foundations of build- 
ings, and various things, are dug up. During the 
tenure of power of the author in this town, two 
stone horses, each one cubit 'high, were dug up, 
with a stone box in which they were, and also 
other more valuable things inSamvat 1842 (a. p. 

As the rivers swell greatly during the rains, 
it is difficult to cross them, and there is a great 
deal of mud, but the soil is good, ^nd produces 
excellent sugar-cane, mangoes, and great quan- 
tities of guavas ; they sow three times every 

In the Sam vat year 1803 (a.d. 1746) Kahuji 
with the Navab Fakhr-al-daulah unsuccessfully 
besieged the town, but in 1835 Jabbar Khan 
treacherously obtained possession of the fort, 
which, however, was again taken from him 
after a siege by Divanji Amarji Saleh ; but again 
it fell into the possession of the Jamadars Sharf- 
al-din and O'mar for some years, and was cap- 
tured in 1851 (a.d. 1794) by Madhuraya Ben 
Khoshkhal, to expel whom the author was called 
from Nagar by the Navab Saheb Hamed Khan, 
and he succeeded in doing so by negotiation in 
1860 (a.d. 1803). Afterwards Madhuraya with 
Babaji Saheb, the Karbhari of the Gaikvad, 
again besieged it, but ineffectually. 

The Kasba op Kutiana. 
This place has two stone forts, and is situated 


on the banks of the B h a d ft r river. It is said 
that for a long time a Chamni woman whose 
name was Kunti used to pasture her cattle on 
this spot, which in course of time became a village. 
The governor, Kalidas, who was a Bania and 
had built a fort for himself in the vicinity of 
Alimadabad to which he gave his own name, 
constructed here also a square fort of consider- 
able strength so as to control Purbandar and 
Hallar. During the government of the Musal- 
mans, Afghan Sipahis, Maliks, Khokhars, Jun- 
drans, <feo., settled here, and gradually became 
so strong as to be independent, and appointed 
Nia'mat Khan Lodi as their governor ; but 
afterwards, growing dissatisfied, they surren- 
dered the fort to Rana Sultanji, fix)m whom 
they likewise revolted, and gave it to Hashem 
[Hasan] Elhan, the adopted son of Nav^b Baha- 
dur Khan, from whom it vras taken by Amarji, 
the father of the author. In Samvat 1840 
[a.d. 1783] the Divan Govindji rebelled, and 
the Navab Saheb, having besieged the fort 
for a month, afterwards made peace. In the 
year 1858 [a.i>. 1801] Kaliyandas Hirji, a 
Bania, revolted from the Navab Saheb, but 
after a month's contest the author took the 
fort from him. 

The Khagasri fort, which was formerly 
at the head of the Pargana, with twenty-four 
villages, was given to Maluk Mul^ammad Sindhi 
as a j^ghir, for his services as Qazi, of which 


*lso the fort of Devara is an appanage from the 
time of the Divan Saheb AmarjL 

The temples of Vagesvaxl Mata and Amares- 
• vara were built by Dalpatr am , the younger brother 
of the author. The place of pilgrimage (mezdr) 
of Chaman Jellal is the ornament of this town 
at a distance of about three hos from which also' 
are Gokarnatirtha and Mahadeva's Sivalaya. 
Most of the villages are joint property with 
Purbandar and Mangarol. 


B a n t w a has a strong fort, and the village 
of M a n a r belongs to it ; most of it at present 
belongs to Purbandar and M a n g r o 1, 
and is inhabited by the Mehmans. Nawab 
Sohrab Khan, Governor of Khambayat, waged 
war against Sher Zaman Khan and Diler Khan 
Babi, compelling them to evacuate Ghogha ; 
but they obtained eighty [? 84] villages as a 
jagir from the Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan in 
1779 [P1789], A.D. 1722. 

The KasbI of MIngbol. 

The port of M a n g r o 1 has two strong forts 
on the sea-shore with ditches, and is the re- 
sidence of a governor or Hakam. After annex- 
ing to B a n t w it eighty villages, two hundred 
and eighty- one still belong to Mangrol. 

In ancient times Rana B h a n, Raja of G u m 1 i, § 

§ See note at p. 58. 


for some reason divorced his wife, and being desir- 
ous again to recall her he consulted learned men 
on the subject. They said that a dismissed wife 
might again be taken back if eighteen hundred 
virgins were given by him in marriage, he de- 
fraying the bridal expenses. Accordingly the 
Rana built a bridal hall or chauri, of squared 
stone, in S. 1264, and gave these virgins in 
marriage, and this edifice existed for many 
years till the arrival of Shams Khan, the Naib 
of the Sultan Firoz Shah, who converted it into 
a Jama 'a mosque, and left Sikandar Khan as 
Thanadar, in Samvat 1350 (a.d. 1293). In this 
place Makhdum Jehaniah with other saints are 
buried, and at the tomb the spears of A'fi, the 
garment of the prophet, and a goblet brought 
from the fourth heaven are shown to pilgrims. 

In former times the zamindars of these places 
were Rajputs of the Vaghela tribe, but 
gradually various others obtained lands, e.g. 
Qazis, Maliks, Sayyids, &c., and who, becoming 
powerful, expelled the Vaghelas. These persons 
usually obeyed the governors of Junagadh or 

Under the government of Srimant Peshva 
Baji Rao, his Naib Nataji distressed »the Rayas 
so much that many of them emigrated to Ju- 
nagadh and other parts of the country. Nataji 
also gave much trouble to the Musalmans and 
Jats on account of the EJcddasi [11th of the 
Hindu month] fasting, and on account of the 


Mondays, and the people in general were mucli 
dissatisfied with him ; accordingly Shekh Mi- 
an, son of Qazi Fakhr-ud-din, expelled Jadav 
Jaswant, the Thanadar of the Srimant Peshwa, 
by the edge of the sword, in the year Samvat 
1805 [a.d. 1748], and taking the government 
into his own hands, levied tribute || from Kesod, 
Chorvad, Kodinar, Patan, Purbandar,&c. ; some- 
times also he made raids into Kathiavad, and 
carried away whatever property or cattle he 
could, from which he used to pay the wages of 
his Sipahis ; the Desdgiri allowance of these 
places, however, still belongs to the Nagars, 
Banias, and Khatris. 

Prosperity increased during the rule of Shekh 
Badr-ud-dinbin Nur-nd-dm bin Shekh Mi An, son 
of the Qazi. He also kept up the dignity of his 
position by waging a successful war against Pur- 
bandar and Chorvad ; he died, however, on the 8th 
Vaisakh Suddh of the Samvat year 1871 (a.d. 
1814), and was succeeded by his son Aba Mian. 

The grandfather of the author was a god- 
worshipping man adorned with every good 
quality ; his name was Kunwarji bin Pragji bin 
Gopalji bin Vekunth bin Sripat bin Sivaji, and 
he was the hereditary agent of the Chief, and 
possessed several pieces of land in this Kasba, 
partly irrigated from wells and partly by the 

II The original has khird^, properly lam^d-tax, but here 
iiBed, as it often is, for tribute, — ^J. W. W- 


rains, the produce whereof constituted his sup- 
port. He worshipped the lAhga of the lord Sri 
Budhabava, which was a gift from the Sultan 
Farukhsiyar Shah of Dihli, and with reference 
to it the following legend is current : — 

It is related that one day when the Sult&n 
Akbar was walking on the banks of the 
Jamuna he perceived two women going home 
from the river with full waterpots on their heads, 
when all of a sudden a mouse carried by a kite 
flying above them fell down ; and one of the 
damsels immediately exclaimed disparagingly to 
her companion, " Just see what times of 
weakness have set in, when a kite is unable 
to carry such a little mouse f Four thousand 
eight hundred years ago, when the Elauravas and 
Panda vas were waging a great war against each 
other, I was a kite, and flew away with the arm 
of Raja Jydrat, the Shah of Sindhu, which 
had two armlets on it/' The Sultan hap- 
pened to overhear these words ; accordingly he 
stopped; and to his inquiries the woman 
replied without further ceremony as follows : — 
" I had been created a kite, and having, after 
picking it up from the ground with my beak, 
flown away with the arm of Raja Jydrat, which 
the arrow of Sataki [Bhuri 6rava, a descendant 
of the Svataki Yadavas] had severed from his 
shoulder, I sat down on the top of a tree. After 
I had consumed all the flesh, I dropped the 
bones, together with the gold, into the well be- 



neath the tree ; and I dare say that if the heap of 
dirt which has accamnlated on the spot during 
the lapse of ages were to be removed, the truth 
of my statement would be confirmed by the 
discovery of the bones and armlets.*' The 
Shah despatched servants, who dug up the spot, 
and brought from the depth of the well 
two Siva-lingas which were set in the gold 
armlets just mentioned. It is related that 
the arm-bone of that raja was eight spans 
long. The two Siva-lingas were kept in the 
Shah's private apartments, and were day and 
night placed in contact with fragrant sub- 
stances, such as attar and water of roses, sandal, 
saffron, and aloes ; camphor-lights, food, bev- 
erages, garments, and jewels were placed be- 
fore them, and he secretly worshipped them, 
away from the eyes of weak-minded critics, 
as the Musalmans had already become ac- 
custoihed to accuse his majesty of idolatry and 
irreligiousness because he was in the habit of 
{Distich) — 

" In idol forms I worship God, 
Not idols separate from God." 

This custom was kept up till the time of 
'Azim Shah ; but afterwards when the turn 
of the Shahzadah Farukhsiyar came and he 
began to reign, he presented his Vazir, the 
Raja Chabilaram Bahadur, who conquered the 
Dekhau and was a Nagar, as a reward for his 


services, with the two Siva-lihgas, a dress of 
honour, and a Rudraksha rosary the beads of 
which were made of pearls. On this occa- 
sion he said with his own blessed tongue, " O 
Raja Bahadur ! This is Budhabava'' {Le. ** old 
father," which is a metaphor for. Eternal 
Creator), ''worship it!" When he took the 
X%as home, he gave one of them, which was 
of emerald colour, to Dayaram, who was a highly 
respected Nagar and a jdgirddr ip the pargana 
ofNaginapu rand district of M e v a t. Some 
time afterwards the conquests of the Dekhanis, 
the dissensions of the Amirs, and the invasions 
of the Persian armies disturbed the comfort 
of the jdgirddrs and royal servants, so that Da- 
yaram established himself at Banaras, where 
he became so intimate with the grandfather of 
the author that he betrothed to him his own 
daughter, and after a while, when they re- 
turned to Mangrol, the wedding was consum- 
mated there ; on that occasion he presented his 
daughter also with the Sri Budhabava as a por- 
tion of her dowry, whichis the source of endless 
blessings and of divine favours. Then becom- 
ing a sanydsi he went to Nasik, and finally to 
Banaras, where he died, whilst the Mehta kept 
and continued to worship the Siva-linga. Last- 
ly, Sultan Zufar Khan and Tatar Khan came 
with troops from Mangrol, altered the SAraj 
temple and called it the Ravali mosque ; they 
also spoilt the Ravali Wav. About two hundred 


years ago [1510], on the staircase of tlie Gomati 
Wav, tHe image of R a n cTi o d R a y a was 
found by Parbat Mehta, and is to tliis day wor- 
sliipped in a Yaishnava temple of Jnnagadh. 

Here are places of pilgrimage, such as that of 
Meran Shah and others, and, at a distance 
of three Tcos, the temple of Kamnatha or Kame^- 
vara. In the town itself may be seen the tem- 
ples of KasiYisvanath, Ha tkes vara, Siddhes vara, 
Nilakaptha, Mata Hinglaj, Mangalaj, Appa- 
chharadevi, Navadurga, Saptamatri, Ranchod 
Ray a, and Raghunatha Raya. 

In this zilla there is much garden cultivation, 
and fine water-melons and vols [oliyas] are pro- 
duced. Here the Nagars are Jagirdars, Karbharis, 
Kanunguis, Desayas, and they follow all the oc- 
cupations in which penmanship is required ; they 
were invited by the rajas and governors from all 
sides, and employed in civilizing the country. 

Merchandise from Arabia, the Konkana, from 
Sindh, and from the coasts arrives in the port 
of Mangrol, and is the occasion of much trade, 
On a certain occasion some Bokhari Sayyids 
entered the town in carts in the disguise of a mar, 
riage procession, and treacherously took posses- 
sion of Mangrol, and fourteen wives of the Ha- 
kim of this place preferred being consumed by 
fire in the tower of Sakotri to losing their 


The pargana of Mangrol is the joint pro- 
perty of the Navab of Junagadh and of the Raja 

58 NOTE 3. 

of Mangrol. It contains the following forts 
with four towers, viz, Mahiari, Bagasra, Sil, 
Diwasa, Sepa (?), Meswana (?), Lathodra, and 
Shergadh. Some of the lands are under cultiva- 
tion, and others are neglected. 

Note 3 on Ghvmli or Bhumli, page 61. 

[In the south of the Nav&nagara territory, 
and about forty miles west from Dh&nk, is 
Ghumli, an old deserted capital of the Jet- 
w & s — now of P u r b a n d a r. It lies about four 
miles south of B h a n v & d, in the last valley fac- 
ing the north, in the north-eastern end of the 
B a r a d & hills, and concealed from the north by a 
low ridge, which bends round in front of the open- 
ing to the valley or dell, shutting up the town in 
a sort of cul-de-sac, open only through the narrow 
valley to the north-west, by which it is approached 
from the modem village of Mukh&n&. Up 
both sides of the dell its ruined walls wind in 
various directions along the shelving ridges 
which overlook it, up to the summit of the moun- 
tain, where was a fortified citadel, still containing 
the walls of many of the houses in a tolerable 
state of preservation, but entirely deserted except 
by wild beasts. The very vertex is occupied by a 
small temple ofMslt^ As^pur t — a favourite 
object of superstitious reverence with the J e t w A 
BS,j put s. 

According to the traditions of the province, the 
earliest seat of the Jetw&s was at^rinagara, a 
few miles from their present one ofPurbandar. 
Soon afterwards it was atBhimor or Mord- 
vaj pur£, now a ruined site opposite to Morvi 


and six generations later — probably early in the 
tenth century — G humliorBhumli was made 
the capital, and adorned with imposing buildings 
by Raja Sai Kumara ; but in Samvat 1369 (a.d. 
1313) it fell, after a desperate siege, by an army 
from Sindh. From Ghumli the Jetwa chief then 
removed to C hay a, near Purbandar, — the latter 
being its port, which has since supplanted Chaya. 

This ruined and deserted capital was visited by 
the indefatigable Colonel Tod in 1822, and de- 
scribed by him in his Travels^ in his usual glowing 
and exaggerated style. In 1837 Captain (now 
General Sir G.) Le Grand Jacob gave an account 
of a visit to it with much more accuracy and 

" All is now jungle," says the latter, " where 
once multitudes of huinan beings resided ; within 
and without the ruined ramparts so thick is it as to 
make it difficult to trace them even from a height. 
The ground-plan of Ghumli resembles a wide- 
spread fan, the two sides of which are formed by 
the gorge of the valley, leading up to the peak on 
which the fort is built, the circular portion being 
represented by the ramparts." 

" The extreme breadth from the eastern to the 
western wall," he adds, " is about three-quarters 
of a mile ; its length from the north wall to the 
narrow of the gorge less than half a mile; there 
are two flanks of about two hundred and fifty yards' 
length, joining the northern face to the natural 
flanks offered by the hills ; the eastern one with 

f Tod'8 Travels in Western India, pp. 404ff, 
* Jour, R, As, Soc, vol. V. pp. 73ff. 

60 NOTE 3. 

its semi-arched battlements, reaching halfway 
up the scoop of the hill, is in a tolerable state of 
preservation, but the remainder is in ruins, the 
bastions have fallen in, and are only faintly to be 
traced through the jungle. A ditch, of the usual 
Hindu dimensions, surrounds the wall ; the ma- 
sonry I was surprised to find for the major part 
of well-chiselled stone, dove-tailed grooves for 
clamps ; the iron or lead which may have been 
used for this purpose has doubtless been long 
since pilfered. There were originally two gate- 
ways to the north and west." The last only was 
still standing till within a few years ago, and bears 
the name of R&mapoja, but only a fragment of it 
now remains. 

" The area contained within the limits I have • 
above described is now tenanted only by wild 
beasts, and other jungle inhabitants ; mounds or 
lines of rubbish faintly pourtray the lines of streets, 
though I am disposed to consider the houses were 
chiefly of frail materials ; nothing remains as 
witness of its former state save an insignificant 
temple near the eastern wall, two small flat-roofed 
ones of the earlier age of BrS>hmanism, a splendid 
well, itself worthy of description, and the ark or 
royal citadel, the contents of which peculiarly 
merit notice ; wells of good masonry are sunk 
here and there, which the traveller should take 
heed not to stumble into. This ark occupies the 
centre of the area, and contains, originally guard- 
ed by a wall all round, the palacef and its adjuncts ; 

t The palace is probably represented by a mound of stones 
in front of the splendid ruin of the Nayal&kha Temple.. 


a large bathing-reservoir, surrounded with small 
apartments as if for dressing-rooms to the zanllna, 
if not the zanina itself, is separated from the 
palace by a court." 

Various accounts and dates are given of the de- 
struction of this city ; it seems most probable, how- 
ever, that some time during the first half of the 
fourteenth century, J d m XJ n a d invaded B a- 
r a d S» and besieged the BanS. in G h u m 1 i. After 
a long contest, Un&d, despairing of success, return- 
ed with his army to Kachh. Here, according to 
tradition, his son B^mani,;]; ashamed of the dis- 
graceful termination of his father's expedition, as- 
sumed the command of the army and conducted it 
back to Ghumlt, which place he reduced after an 
' obstinate siege of twelve months. The Samm&s 
destroyed the city, which the Jetv&s, from su- 
perstition, did not attempt to rebuild, but re- 
moved their capital to C h a y a, near the sea-coast. 
Purbandar, said to be on the site of S a d a- 
m a p u r a,mentioned in the Bhdg(wataPurdna,WBiA 
at first the port of C h a y a, but has since become 
the seat of government of the Jetvd chief.§ 

Probably owing to the resistance made by the 
Barad& R&n&s, the Sammas, after reducing Ghum- 
li, returned to E[achh, without establishing their 
authority in the country. J & m XJ n & d, however, 
is said to have given his territory in Sindh in 
charity to the C h & r a n s before setting out to 
conquer another, and on B4mani's arrival in 

X May this not have been Man&i, mentioned in the 
Kachh annals P 

§ Oonf. Bombay Selections, XXXIX. (N.S.) pp. 166, 


K a c h h on his way back he formed the design Of 
establishing himself there, and succeeded in doing 

80. II] 

This place is situated on the banks of the 
Kesod river, and has two strong forts. After 
the taking of Jmi&gadh,it together withChorvad 
became a jagir of the Raizadahs. . In this district 
the Bajput Lathias, Saryaiyas, and others, who 
are descendants of the Chudasama Rajpiits, 
originally Zamindars of Sindh, hold jagirs. 

M a 1 i a has a fort with towers, and is situ- 
ated on the river M e k a 1. The Zamindars are 
of the Hathi tribe. The parganah is small, but 
abounds in mangoes. 


Chorvad is situated near the sea-shore, 
and has two strong forts ; and several villages 
belong to it. At a distance of one kos from 
Chorvad the river B i r j a m i falls into the sea, 
but though it is so near to the sea there is no 
bandar, on account of the paucity of inhabitants ; 
there are, however, fine gardens and beautiful 
fields. Betel-leaves unequalled in agreeable taste 
and pungency are grown in this place, and are 
even exported to Halar, Kachh, and Sorath ; 
also all kinds of vegetables grow. The total 
revenue is 50,000 hodts ; there are thirteen 

II Trom Antiqifities of Kd^hi&vAd cmd Kachh, pp.173, 


villages under it. The forts witli four towers 
of Kukasvada and Visaval are also on one 
side of Chorvad. 

Of Pattan Diva. 

This is a strong fort situated on the sea-shore, 
surrounded by a fosse full of water. The rivers 
Hiran, Sarasvati, and K a p i 1 a flow 
near the base of the fort. In ancient times the 
£amindari of this place belonged to Parmar 
Rajputs. The slaughter of the Yadavas and 
of Sri Krishna in this locality is recorded in 
the PrahMsa Kathd. Here great quantities of 
mangoes, water-melons, and gunda fruits are 
produced, which are exported. Veraval is 
the seaport of this district. Nia'mat Khan 
Lodhi, an adherent of the Navab Bahadur 
Khan, built a strong fort, which in the Sam- 
vat year 1824 (a.d. 1767) was repaired by the 
Divanji Saheb Amarji, and was repaired for 
the second time in 1845 (a.d. 1788). Divan 
Eaghunath, son of Amarji and Dulabhaji, 
brother of Amarji, were besieged here by Kana 
Sultanji of Purbandar in one of his warlike ex- 
peditions, as will be narrated in the proper place. 

^ri Sdman&th&* of Pattan the adherents of 
Islam believe to have been brought from Mekka 
during the time of Abraham the Friend of God ; 
but the Hindus hold that it existed here fromaJl 
eternity, as a ^iva-Uhga by Ghandrsuna. 

5 See Note 4 at page 68. 


This place was devastated by SuUan Mah- 
mi&d the Ghaznavide in the Samvat year 1078 
(a.d. 1021), by Shams Khan in 1375 (a.d. 1318), 
by Zufar Khan the Shah of Gujarat in 1568 
(a.d. 1511), and by Tatar Khan bin Zafar 
Khan nine years later, who iR)rcibIy converted 
many persons to his own religion. 


During the time of Sultan Mahmud the Ghaz- 
navide, the Ghuri Padishahs, and the Sultans of 
Gujarat, nobody could prosper without adopting 
Islam. Accordingly many became Muhammadans 
here, as for instance the Kasbatis, who are to this 
day called Pattani, and are mostly subject to the 
governorof Junagadh, but they revolted often and 
erected forts, such asSutrapada,Hirakot^ 
Dh^mlej, Lodhva, Pu shna vara, L a- 
thi, &o., trying to assert their independence^ 

Gorakhmadi is a place belonging to the 
Kanphata Yogis, and noted from ancient 
times in all parts for hospitality both to travel- 
lers and refugees, and its charitable daily meal 
(saddvrat) was weU known throughout the 
country. It was for a long time under the pro^ 
tection of many successive governments ; gradu- 
ally, however, the Pattanis began to drive away 
horses from the place and commit robberies,, 
wherefore Madaninatha, who was the chief 
Yogi, buried himself alive. This event brought 
on the ruin of the Pattanis, who commenced to 
live in discord among themselves and with the 
people whom they hated ; accordingly they ap» 


pointed Nia'mat Kh&n Lodi as their govemor, 
from whom they afterwards again revolted, but 
he slew some of them, and then, at the invita- 
tion of the inhabitants, went to Kutiana. 
The L o d h i tower is a monument of his rule. 
His history is this :— Nia'mat Khan used to live 
at Ahmadabad in Sheikpura, on the bank of the 
river Sabarmati, and obtained Upleta,* Kutiana, 
Pattan, and Kodinar as a jdgir from the Shah 
of Gujarat, and after he had properly settled 
the affairs of all those places he betook himself 
to Pattan and peopled Yeraval, which the Patta- 
nis had laid waste, and there he also built a fort. 
Now, since the Pattanis would not suffer him to 
enter Pattan, he removed in the space of seven 
months all the thorny bushes and trees which 
obstructed his movements between Pattan and 
Veraval, and, commencing the war in earnest, 
established a <^dtiai^ at Sutrapada. The Pat- 
tanis marched against him, but were put to flight 
after great slaughter, and compelled to submit to 
Nia'mat Khan's government A few days after- 
wards Nia'mat Khan obtained a chance and 
marched with his troops into the town, and, hav- 
ing also obtained aid from Veraval, put many 
Pattanis to tha sword, and on this occasion his 
Divan, Isvaradas^ was wounded, but many Patta- 
nis were beheaded by the executioner, and many 
thrown into the sea. Nevertheless the Pattanis 

^UpletAis an important mahdl now belonging to the 
Gondal State. 


again assembled to the number of three thousand 
men, and, under the leadership of Sayyid Mi&n, 
scaled the walls of the fort by means of ladders, 
but Nia'mat Khan routed them again, and after 
encountering much opposition remained ruling 
in the city. Some time afterwards Manaji 
Angria made a descent on Ver&yal in ships, and, 
after fighting during three days and nights, he 
made peace and receiyei} the gift of a horse as 
nazardnah. The Portuguese of Diva also 
made some attacks, but retired disappointed. 

He plundered the villages of KalawadandB&it- 
wa, in Halar, and defeated his pursuers, and esta- 
blished a right to tribute over certain villages. 

Sultana Bib!, the paternal aunt of the 
Navab Ssiheb Mah^bat Khan, obtained possession 
of the fort, and ruled for sixteen years. After 
some time the Pattanis considering ShekhMiftn — 
who was one of the Kasbatis of Mangrol — a man 
of good disposition, allowed him to enter the fort, 
and he commenced to conduct the government. 
Seeing the pride and insolence of Pah&dji and ' 
Ghand and Firoz Shah, however, and, fearing 
lest they might expel him, he drove the Pattanlft 
from their native country into hell and the flames» 
and made them 'food for alligators and jackals. 

The temple of Soman&tha, which the Mu- 
sulmans had converted into a mosque, was in 
ruin, and was not repaired till Samvat 1840 (a.d. 
1783), during the government of Sheikh Mian 
[the successor of Nia'mat Khan], when it was 



rebuilt by a'most excellent lady, AhilyaB4i,t 
the wife of the Holkar Malhar Eao Bah&dnr. 
After thirty years the Divan Vithal Rao Dev&ji, 
who was a Subahdar of K4thiawad under the 
government of the Gaikwad, built high nagdra^ 
khdnas, travellers' houses, harams, and repair- 
ed the temples of the Jain and Kanesvara and 
of Jankisvara. 

The followiag are some of the temples in this 
city : — The temples of Daitsudan, Narsing, Ma- 
hakali, Anapurna, Ganapati, Shashi-Bhukhan, 
and Pragtesvara, which last was built by the 
Divan Raghunathji [a brother of the author]. 
The Ranatalao, Budresvara, Suraj, Ban^svara, 
and Hatkesvara are some of the sacred places 
much visited by Hindus. Bhalkakund, Kadam- 
kund, Bangang^, Rama-Pushkara, Gaurikund, 
Vishnukund, Brahmakund, Rudrakund, Siiraj- 
kund,and Jalprabhas are some of the sacred tanks 
where the people are cleansed from their sins. 

The places of pilgrimage to Mangrol-Shah, 
Chandkattal, Maghrabi-Shah, Mahi-Hajat and 
Godar-Shah are noted. At a distance of five 
Jcos from Pattan is the Prachi Tirtha, ce- 
lebrated fiir and near, and visited by pilgrims 
from great distances ; here the srdddha ceremo- 
nies are performed, whereby the spirits of the de- 
parted are propitiated and evil genii warded oflP. 

In Samvat 1849 (a. d. 1792) the Nav&b 
Saheb Ahmad Khan, with the aid of the Pat- 

t See Note 5, page 76. 

68 NOTE 

tanis, scaled the walls of the fort daring the 
night by means of ladders, and expelled Sheikh 

This country, situated on the sea-shore, pro- 
duces annually three crops, consisting of great 
quantities of red rice and valldnah [kdng'], but 
unfitfortheconsumptionof wealthy persons ; from 
Purbandar as far as Mahwah and Sabar,;|; these 
crops are very abundant. 

Without the fort of Sutrapada the temples of 
Navadurga, Bhavani, the Surajkund [Oh&man- 
k and] , may be seen . In the same parganah also 
the ttrthas of Gayatrikund, Brahmakund, Vishnu- 
Gaya are celebrated places for ablution. The re- 
venue amounts to three and a half lakhs of ho^is. 
Note 4, on Pattan Somandth,&t page 64 of the text. 

[Pattan Soman&th, orPrabh&saPat- 
t a n, is a place full of interest to the antiquarian. 
It is a walled town of considerable size, famous 
in the annals of Hindu history on account of its 
temple containing one of the dvaddaajoti lingas, 
or twelve symbols of Mahddeva, which, like the 
Ephesian Diana, were said to have fallen from 
heaven. It is one of the ratnani, or inestimable 
jewels, for which Sur&shtra is celebrated in the 
PurdnaSy — the other four being the river Gomati, 
beautiful women, good horses, and lastly Dv&- 
rakS*. The fame of the great temple of Somes- 
vara fired the fanatic zeal of Mahmud of 
Ghazni, who led an army of thirty thousand men 
lightly equipped against it in 1025 a.d., and re- 

X This is S&bar KundU. 


duced the fort after an obstinate resistance on 
the part of the Hindu chiefs, who had leagued to 
defend their shrine. . " Fifty thousand infidels and 
more,'* says the Bozat us-safa, " were slain round 
this temple, which was of vast dimensions." But 
at length Mahmud prevailed, destroyed the 
sacred linga by a fire lighted round it to break 
the hardness of the stone, plundered the temple 
of its immense wealth, and carried off its gates 
to Ghazni (to appear again in history after a 
lapse of more than eight centuries, — when gates 
were brought from Kabul as trophies — believed 
by some to be those of S o m a n a t h a). The tem- 
ple, it is said, vras supported by fifty-six pillars, 
ornamented with rubies, emeralds, and other pre- 
cious stones ; and each of these pillars bore the 
name of a different king of India as its embel- 
lisher. Whether Mahmud destroyed the temple 
also we do not know, but it is pretty certain 
that not a vestige of it now remains, unless it be 
in the capitals and columns strewn all about and 
built into the walls of the present temple, of the 
town and its houses. 

It was too profitable to the Br&hmans, however, 
not to be soon restored by the Hindu princes under 
their influence. Among these its greatest bene- 
factors were probably the Solanki princes of Anhi- 
lapattan, and accordingly there is evidence of its 
having been restored by Bhima Deval. (a.d. 1021- 
1073). We find Siddha Raja (1093-1142) visiting 
it about a century after its desecration by Mah- 
mud; and again, in a.d. 1168, the great Kum&ra- 
pala, m search of a way to manifest his piety, 
is advised by the wily Jaina Ach&rya Hema» 

70 NOTE 

Chandra to restore the temple of Some»vara. 
And with this is connected a tale that is per- 
haps worth repeating : — In two years the res- 
toration was completed,— the temple " once more 
resembled Mem," and the Brd^hmans, jealous of 
the influence of the Ach3,rya oyer the king, tried to 
entrap him, proposing to Kum^rap^la that he 
should accompany the royal retiaijie to the dedi- 
cation. When the proposal was made, the Jaina 
at once replied, "What need of pressing the 
hungry to eat P Pilgrimage is the life* of the as- 
cetic ; what need is there of an order from the 
king P" He then started on foot to visit the holy 
places of his own creed, and met Kum&rap^la at 
Soman&tha. At the inauguration of the new temple 
the Jaina astonished the spectators by his devo- 
tions to diva. At the threshold of the temple 
he exclaimed, " In the splendour of this shrine 
Mah&deva, who dwells in Kaildsa, is surely pre- 
sent." Then entering and going through the 
prescribed gesticulations before the Unga, he 
said, " Thou existest, whatever be thy place, 
whatever be thy time, whatever be thy name, 
of whatsoever nature thou art. Thou art he in 
whom is no guilty act, no guiltiness consequent 
upon the act, — one only god. Praise be to thee ! 
He who has destroyed the affections, which are 
the seeds that produce the bud of existence, be 
he Brahm&, be he Vishnu, be he 6iva, to him be 
praise!" Then falling flat on the ground he 
worshipped diva in the dandavata. All this 
was done with an object ; and after the ceremonies 
were over, Kum&rap&la and Hemachandra entered 
the shrine alone, closing the door behind them. 


Here, the story says, the Ach&rya made Somes- 
yara reveal himself to the king and address him 
thus ; — " king, this monk is an incarnation of 
all the gods ; he is free from deceit ; to him it is 
given to behold the divinity as a pearl in his hand ; 
he knows the past,, present, and future ; under- 
stand that the path he shall show you is, without 
doubt, the road' to liberation." The credulous 
king was caught, and there and then the Jaina 
administered to him a vow to abstain from animal 
food and fermented liquor to the end of his life. 
The temple of Soman&tha was then lefb in charge of 
Vrihaspati Gauda, a Kanauj Br&hman; but, 
perhaps chagrined at the victory of Hemachandra, 
he reviled the Jaina religion, for which he was 
deprived of his place, and only restored to it after 
making the most humble submission to the 
influential Acharya. 

If the remains that still exist are not those of 
the temple of Bhima Deva and KumS»rap&la, it 
is difl&cult to say to whom we owe them. It 
seems probable that for more than a century after 
Kumarapllla's time it was unmolested ; but the 
Muhammadan had cast his eyes on the rich 
province, and at length, in 1297, the Sultan, Alau' 
d-din Khilji, sent his brother Alaf Kh&n, and 
Nusrat Kh&n, his prime minister, to eflfect the 
conquest of Gujar&t. Then it was that the idol 
shrines suffered, and the famous idol of Soma- 
natha was again destroyed. A century later,in 1396, 
Muzaffar Sh&h I. led an expedition against Pat- 
tan, and, destroying all the Hindu temples, he 
built mosques in their places, — or more probably he 
converted them into mosques ; and again, in 1413, 

72 NOTE 

Ferishtah tells us that his grandson and successor, 
Ahmad Sh&h I., on his return from an expedition 
against the BA of JunS^gadh, "destroyed the 
temple of Somapur, wherein were Jbund many 
valuable jewels and other property." Later still 
Mahmud Sh&h I., surnamed Begara (1459-1511) 
is named by Hindu tradition as having sent an 
army to reduce the place, when he built a mosque 
on the site of the temple. The building, however, 
still attests that the Muslim only desecrated the 
Hindu temple, defaced its sculptures, and con- 
verted it into a place of worship for the followers 
of Isl&m, but did not raze it. 

This famous ruin occupies a rising ground, 
probably a rock with a coating of soil upon it, 
close to the sea-shore. It faces the east, and on 
the south side there are still consideratble remains 
of the old Hindu sculptures, much resembling 
those at Amaran&th, near Kalydiia, but on a larger 
scale. On the other sides, the outer facing of the 
walls has been almost entirely removed : indeed, 
until a few years ago, this fine old ruin was used 
as a sort of quarry from which to obtain building- 
stones. The outer pyramidal roof of the manda^a 
and the great spire over the shrine had been de- 
stroyed by the Muhammadans, and hemispherical 
domes substituted in their place. Over the eastern 
entrance they erected two clumsy minarets, and 
threw arches in between the pillars of the central 
octagon which support the dome. The diameter of 
this octagon ^is about 33 feet, and the greatest 
width of the mandapa inside is 64 feet, its length up 
to the door of the shrine being nearly 70 feet. 
The shrine itself is 18 feet 9 inches square inside, 


and there has been a pradakahina round it ; but 
behind this all is destroyed. The floor has been 
of polished black stone or marble, some fragments 
of which are still found. Both the domes are now 
open above, and the whole has evidently been for 
long the haunt of cattle rather than of devotees — 
Muslim or Hindu. 

To compensate for its loss to her religion and 
its local attendants the Somapada Br^hmans, the 
famous Ahilyft Bai, widow of Khande Rao Hol- 
kar, built another temple — New Somandtha — in the 
town ; but if the hand of time only has to do with 
both, it will be a neglected ruin before its aged 
predecessor is greatly changed. 

In the town is the Snrya Kunda^ as the Hindus 
call it, — a remarkable remnant of their architec- 
ture. It has been defaced, and patched, and 
altered now, but when first completed it must 
have been a work of much elegance, forming the 
colonnade round a large tank — long ago filled up 
except a small pond about nine yards square in 
one corner of the enclosure. This colonnade has 
had at least three rows of pillars on three of its 
sides, and seven on the fourth, — in which are five 
octagonal areas each about 20 feet across. The 
oolumns still standing, some of them imbedded 
in the outer walls, are about two hundred and 
fifty in number, and nearly all of them have been 
carved in the most elaborate style of Hindu art. 
A wall has been built in., connecting the outer 
row of pillars, and a mimbar and mihraba have 
been formed to adapt it to Muhammadan worship. 

Near this is a plain building, its walls outside 
covered with plaster, and apparently an ordinary 

74 NOTE 

Muhammadan house with scarcely any windows ; 
inside, however, ifc proves to have been a Jaina 
temple of an interesting type, and said to have 
a cellar {hhoinorun) under it. It is now used 
as a storehouse by a Muhammadan, who says it 
has been in his family for at least a hundred and 
fifty years. 

A little to the north of Pattan Soman&tha there 
is a large cluster of sacred places, many of thera 
very unpretending in appearance, but each with 
its legend or associations. First is T r i v en i — 
* three plaited locks'— the junction of the three 
rivers Hirany&, Kapila, and Sarasvati, — a tirth<i 
for pilgrims bathing, and without a visit to which 
the pilgrimage to Dvarak& would scarcely be 
considered complete. Further out is the temple 
of Rudresvara, built on the site of an older 
temple of Ked&resvara destroyed by the Mu- 
hammadans, — some of the columns and sculp- 
tures of which, however, have been employed in 
the restored building. Beside it is the dargah of 
Muhammad Sh&h ; — for Islamite superstition is 
fond of thrusting itself into notice in the 
scenes where it has displayed its iconoclastic 
fanaticism. This dargah and that of Abbi Sh&h, 
a little further out, are but miserable places-, 
scarcely worth a visit, unless it be to half suffo- 
cate one's self in the labyrinth of little cells at 
the back of the first. Beyond some quarries is 
the old temple af SArya Nardyana, whose dome 
and spire have suffered at the hands of violence, 
but have been plastered over to keep out the rain. 
Under it is a cellar or cave. 

On the banks of the river Hirany& wefindl>e.v bs" 


sargaorDehotsarg a — an old pi;pal tree with 
a very small temple beside it, and some huts form- 
ing a monastery ; this is a place of great sanctity, 
for under the pipaly of which the present one is a 
traditionary scion, Krishna lay down to rest at 
noon, when a Bhilla — mistaking his tawny cover- 
let for a deer, or the mark on his foot for the eyes 
of one — sped an arrow with such mortal force 
as bereft his godship of life. Tsldmite devotion 
here consecrates a place of prayer for its votaries 
under their sacred tree, and desecrates its vicinity 
by making it a place of graves. The Hindus have, 
many a time since its erection, had tlie power to 
destroy the offensive and ugly wall, but they do 
not seem possessed of such aggressive and icono- 
clastic propensities. South from this are the small 
shrines of Kotesvara, — or the milhon lingas, 
containing only large fragments of the symbol, — 
and Bhimesvara or Bhiman^tha, now much dilapi- 
dated. Not far from these is BhalkaKunda, 
a reservoir — empty at least in the dry season — in 
excellent repair, about three hundred and eighty 
yards in circumference, and forming a regular 
polygon of sixteen sides, with three oval aper- 
tures on one for the entrance of the water. To 
the west of Pattan, the spire of the Seshi Bhushan 
or Bhidiyo temple attracts the eye by its height — 
owing principally, however, to the higher level on 
which the temple stands : it is a restoration, rather 
than a renewal, of an old temple, and is of similar 
style to that of S<!lrya N&rayana. 

It is curious to find here remnants of the Br&h- 
maiiical monasteries. There are several of them 
in this neighbourhood, not apparently of any 


great extent or with numerous inmates, nor are 
the buildings in any way pretentious — they are 
mere collections of huts.§ 

[Note 5 :—o» Ahilyd Bdi,"] 

The famous Ahilyd, BM was born in 1735 of a 
family of the name of Sindhia, and was married to 
Malh&rE&oHolkar's only son Khande llc^o,who wa» 
killed at the siege of Kambhtr, near Dig, in 1754. 
By him she had a son Malli Rdo, and a daughter 
Muktd Bdi, Malli Ed.o succeeded his grandfather 
Malh&r BS^o, but nine months after died mad, when 
AhilyH Bai succeeded to the administration of the 
Holkar government, 1765, and ruled with great 
wisdom, firmness, and talent till her death in 
1795. She was a most devoted Hindu, and built 
sacred edifices at Jagann&tha, N&sik, Elur&, Nim&r» 
Mahesvara, SomanS.tha, Dv&rak&, G4y&, Kedam&- 
tha, Bamesvaram, &c. Her daughter Mukt& B&t 
became a sati with her husband, Yasvant R&o 
Pansiya, and Ahily& B&i built a beautiful temple 
to her memory at Mahesvara, on the Karmad&. 

Account of KoRiNiR. 

This town is the residence of a governor or Ad- 
kam, and is situated on the banks of the S h i n^ 
g r a. The temple ofMuta DvArakA and 
the port is on the sea-coast. The Bokhari and 
Q^deri Sayyids obtained it in wazifah from the 
Amirs and Shahs of Gujarat,and dwell here; but in 

§ Notes of a Visit to K6.thi6/udd in 1869, pp. 17 et 9€^. 


Samvat 1780 the Dekhanis [Marath&s] prevailed, 
and obtained a moiety of the revenue. In course 
of time a peshkash of five thousand rupees was 
paid through the management of the Divanji 
Saheb Amarji, and the Gaikvadi official (muta- 
saddi). was not admitted to a share in the man- 
agement,after whose death his younger brother the 
Div4n Dulabhji paid a fixbd sum by way of farm. 
Now, in Samvat 1871 (a.d. 1814), Govind Rao 
Gaikvad has, by the aid of the English Govern- 
ment, obtained possession of the whole parganah. 
In it is also situated Rudrakya, a place of 
ablution for Hindus. 

The revenues amount to two lakhs of Jamia 
[2,00,000 kodis]. 

Una AND DelvIdI. 

The forts of Una and Delvada, built of 
white stone, are two kos distant from each other. 

The residence of the governor looks over the 
river M a c h u n d r i. The Talao and the Cha- 
cheria Wav were built in Samvat 1615 (a.d. 1458) 
by a Kayat named Somanatha. 

It is related that in ancient times, when this 
country was under the government of Brahmans, 
the Rani of a Raja whose name was V e j a 1, who 
was of the tribe of W a j a, happened to arrive on a 
visit to the temple of Sdraj, where the Musulmans 
have a mosque at present, and that some Brah- 
mans immodestly and boldly lifted up the curtain 


of her chariot, without any civiUty, and had a look 
at her beauty. This affront the Rajputs passed 
by at the time, but attacked the Brahmans on their 
great hoUday, the 15th of Sravana Sud [on which 
they put on the sacred thread], slew many, and 
took the fort. In course of time, however, the 
Kasbatis again expelled the Rajputs, and occa- 
sionally lived in independence, but at times ac- 
knowledged the supremacy of Muzaffarabad, or 
accepted a governor from Junagadh ; and for some 
time Manohardas and Somaji Jikar were the 
Mutasaddis in behalf of the Navab Mahabat 
Khanji, whom they accepted as their ruler. 

In Saihvat 1825 (a.d. 1768) the Divan Saheb 
Amarji levied a fixed tribute from U n ^ ; after- 
wards, in Saiiivat 1827 (a.d. 1770-71), on account 
of the evil conduct of the Kasbatis, Latif Mian, a 
Sayyid of Delvada, conquered the place from them, 
and they were banished from their vat an, but 
through the aid of the Divan Saheb Amarji they 
were again reinstalled in their former holdings. 

The temple of Damodhar, the place of pil- 
grimage of Hazrat-Sbah, Raghunath, Guptapra- 
yAga> and Maha Kalesvara are the ornaments of 
this mahal. Without the town is a tank of 
sweet water, and at a distance of twelve kos is the 
temple of T u 1 s i S y a m, with a spring of hot 
water ; and ten kos further, at D o h a n, is a fine 
temple of M a h a d e v a. In the woods are 
many wild plantain trees. 

The revenues amount to three Ukhs of Jam is. 

Div. 79 

Account of Ranpur. 

This is a fort at the foot of Mount G i r n a r, 
and is the jdgir of Muzaffar Khan II. Its 
produjce amounts to thirty thousand Jamis. 


This is a fort with four towers. Most of this 
pargana is deserted, and on its frontier is nothing 
hut jungle and forest of useful and of jungly trees. 
The Gir hills are forty kos in length and 
twenty- five in hreadth ; there is also cultivation 
in some parts. 

The revenue of this parganah is 20,000 kodh. 


This country was colonized by MuzaSPar Shah 
Gujarati in Samvat 1632 (a.d. 1575), who built 
the fort on the se?i- shore and garrisoned it with 
Rajputs ; they cultivate both dry and irrigated 

The revenues amount to one lakh of Jamis. 

The Island of Div, which formerly be- 
longed TO Jun^gadh. 


In ancient times the zamindars of this island ^ 
were V a g h e 1 a Rajputs ; but Shams-al-diu 
Khan took it from Vaghela Jayasingh in the 
Samvat year 1387 (a.d. 1330) and established a 
thdnahy and during the reign of Sultan Bahadur 
Shah the Mutasaddis of this place were Kavam- 
al.mulk and Malik Tughan Ben Ayaz. In Sam- 

80 Div. 

vat 158S (a.d. 1531) some Portuguese arrived 
treacherously in the guise of merchants, but they 
were captured and surrendered to the Sult&n, who 
made Musulmans of them ; on that occasion also 
several cannon were taken, and the two which are 
[in the Uparkot] at Junagadh probably 
came from this place ; afterwards, however, the 
Portuguese came into the possession of Div, 
and the manner in which this happened h as 
follows :— 

When Bahadur Shah, who had come, on the 
second occasion, by way of Khambayat to Div, 
the Portuguese who were there represented to 
him that they had brought three hundred mans 
of rose-water and of afar, which were in danger 
of being spoilt before merchants arrived from 
various parts to remove them, and requested to 
be allowed to build four walls. The Sultan 
agreed, but after his departure they erected a 
strong fort, which they provided with cannon 
and muskets, and prepared for war. When 
this news reached the Sultan, he determined to 
get possession of the fort by treachery and to 
expel the Portuguese ; he arrived accordingly, 
but, being aware of his intention, they slew Sul- 
tan Bahadur Shah in Saihvat 1593 (a.h. 943), 
and became masters of the island. The names of 
the six men who were killed together with Baha- 
dur Shah are as follows : — ^Malik Amln, Shuja'et 
Khan, Lashkar Khan [Alp Kh^n], Sikandar 
Khan, and Ganesh Rao the brother of Maidaui 


Rao. It is asserted that the fort of D i t b a n* 
d a r and the buildings with gardens were all 
constructed by Malak Ayaz. 

The revenues amount to one lakh of Jam is 
(1,50,000 hoS^s). 

Account op KlxHiiviD. 

For some reason or other, K a t h i s of thirty 
different tribes emigrated to this country from 
Khor^san, and some also from P a v a r, a district 
in Kachh. The W a 1 a K a t h i s are of the stock 
of the Rajput Walas, the lords of the district of 
Dhank, one of whom married a Kathiani damsel, 
and was therefore expelled from the Rajput caste» 
and entered that of the Kathls. From this union 
resulted two sons, K h u m a n and K h a c h a r 
respectively, to whom the Raja of Junagadh 
granted a small territory. And when this territory 
become populous that zilU was called Kathiavadi. 

It is related that Shams Khan slew the Wala 
Raja in battle, and took possession of the town 
of Kilesvara, situated in the B a r a d a 
hills ; and when he conquered Okhamandal 
he demolished the temple of J a g a t, placed over 
the spot a sort of mosque, and returned. 
Champaraj, son of E b h a 1 the Kathi, hap. 
pened to have a daughter of wonderftil beauty, 
whom Shams Khan coveted without having seen 
her, but Champaraj refused all his offers, as no 
marriage is to be contracted with persons 
following a different religion ; accordingly he 
was attacked by Shams Khan and slain, with his 


daughter, and 1,800 adherents all of whom died 
fighting bravely. 

Some time afterwards Vera Wala,a Kathi, 
with the permission of the Navab Bahadur 
Khan, built the fort of J e t p u r. The Kathis 
pay a great deal of tribute and annually one 
horse likewise to Junagadh ; but they live on 
plunder and make raids to the extreme limits of 

The beauty of the Kathi women was remarkable 
in former times, and the Khuman Kathis used 
to carry off by force handsome women from 
amomg the lower classes ; now, however, Kathi 
women are frightful to look at, like demons and 
ghuls. The Kathis are brave and hospitable, 
and their principal towns are the forts of Jet- 
pur, Mend*arda, Bilk ha, Bagasara, 
Kundala, Jasdan, Chita 1, Sudamra, 
Anandapur, Bhadla, Dhandhalpur, 
and P a 1 i y a d [with large or small forts] . G a- 
d^h a r a is also a fort, but not a strong one. 

Account of Amrem. 

After the demise of the Navab Saheb Hamid 
Khan, the Gaikvad's Naib Divan Saheb Vithal 
RAo, by the aid of the English, took from his 
son the whole of Amreli, by way of nazardnah, 
though formerly the Gaikvad had but a third- 
share in the revenue ; now, however, in Samvat 
1869(a.d. 1812-13), the Gaikvad took the whole 
parganah, and built a fort and ruled independently. 


The revenues amount to six lakhs of Jamis 
(about Rs. 2,00,000). 

Account of the Mahals which pay 
Tribute to Junagadh. 

Purbandar, situated on the sea-shore, has 
a well frequented port and a strong citadel. Here 
the zamindar is a Jethva Rajput who is a 
descendant ofMakaradhvaja, son of Hanu- 
man. The town contains numerous gardens, and 
both sweet and brackish water ; and the in- 
habitants, who trade with the ships, are Vanias 
and Bhatias, The temples of Kedarnatha 
Mahadeva, of Sudama, of Veravaliraata, of 
Porabhayani, and the Kedarkunda, are much 
visited by the inhabitants. 

The Rajas here bore the title pf Rana, and in 
ancient times the fort of G h u m 1 i, || situated in the 
B a r a d a hills, was the capital of the state ; it was^ 
however, deserted seven hundred years ago, on 
account of the devastations committed by the 
army of the Jam which he had brought from 
Sindh, and which demolished the fort. The 
citadel ofBhanvar obtained its name from the 
Rana B h a n a (Jethva). 

The government of the RAnas extended as far as 
Nagnah, founded by the Rana Naga, and the 
temple of Naganatha is also one of his memorials. 
About three hundred yeai;s ago the Rana was put 
to flight by the army of the Jam Raval, and 
took refuge with the M e r tribe. . 

II See above, p. 58. 


The rule of the Jam extended as far as R & n a 
W a V and the creek of Bhokirah ; but by his 
liberality, justice, and distribution of food the 
Ran a attached that wild tribe to himself, and 
they conquered for him with their swords the 
country on the west side of the Barada hills, and 
acknowledged him as their sovereign. 

In course of time Nagars from all sides were in- 
vited and settled at the places of ChhUya, Rknk 
Wav, Mokal, Dhebar, &c., which became their 
jdgirs ; and the Riln^ entrusted the management 
of his affairs to them, and to this day a tribe of 
Nagars is called after the name of those villages. 
In Samvat 1789 (a. d. 1722) Mub&riz-al- 
mulk made his appearance atM^dhavpur in 
order to collect peshkaah, and with the assistance 
of the Navab Bahadur Khan of Junagadh the 
fort of Madhavpur was taken. In this con- 
test [Ranchodd^] Nagar, the Thanahdar of the 
place, was slain, and after the locahty had been 
plundered the inhabitants paid forty thousand 
Jami kodU as a ransom for the image of P 4 r a s- 
n a t h a. 

It is related that there was a lady named S6n, of 
the lineage of a raja ofB41 ambha. She com- 
posed a hemistich in Hindi, and giving it to a 
Brahman informed him that she would be ready 
to take anv man for her husband who could com- 
pose the other hemistich. The Brahman started 
on his journey according to her direction, but was 
disappointed until he arrived in G h u m 1 i, where 


he met the Kuhwar Halaman Jefchva, the 
son of S e h y a Rana, who wrote a hemistich as 
required, and handed it to the Brahman. On his 
return the Brahman delivered the line to Rani 
Son, who, intent on keeping her promise, mount- 
ed a chariot and arrived in Ghumli ; hut alas ! alas ! 
for times in which females do not hreak their 
promises, but men in one hour turn away from 
their oaths and written obligations, like the re- 
volving sphere ! The Rana S e h y a heard of the 
bride*s beauty, and himself became enamoured 
of her and desired to obtain her favours ; but 
he had apprehensions as to Halaman, and there- 
fore immediately banished him for a term of 
twelve years from his realm. Halaman depart- 
ed to Anjar, a town in Kachh, where his pa- 
ternal aunt dwelt ; but Son likewise returned to 
her country, and Sehya Jethva reaped only 
sorrow and disappointment. One day, however, 
Halaman was rocking himself in a hammock 
slung to the branch of a trae, when some fairies 
perceived his beauty and took him up into the 
air ; when they discovered, however, that he was 
only a human being, they dropped him to the 
ground. The fall almost killed Halaman, but as 
his aunt knew that his very life was bound up 
with his love for S6n she despatched a ship with 
the news to her ; and Son, whilst embarking in it, 
exclaimed — 

" A ship I mount, O wind of mercy blow. 
Perchance my love again will greet my sight !" 


The ship arrived more quickly than the fleet- 
ing cloud, and when Son took Halaman into her 
arms he recovered consciousness, and although 
discarded by fairies he was soon joined to one 
as beautiful. 

In 1790 (a.d. 1733) Mubariz-al-mulk, the 
Subah of Gujarat, and his commander of the 
forces, Safdar Khan Babi, arrived with an army 
at Purbandar, and the Bana, being unable to 
offer any resistance, fled and embarked every- 
thing he could, with his family, in ships and 
put to sea. The army took possession of seven 
cannon, with all the baggage which had been 
left behind, and was ready to demolish the 
fort, when the helpless Rana made his appear- 
ance and saved the fort from destruction by 
paying one lakh and twenty-five thousand 
Jam is. 

In Samvat 1805 (a.d. 1748) Kutianawas 
taken by the Rana from the Qasbatis, and held 
by him for ten years, after which time it fell into 
the power of Ilasham Khan, with the coopera- 
tion and aid of the Qasbatis. In Samvat 1782 the 
Rana bought Madhavpur from the Desais of 
Mungrol, and incorporated it with his possessions. 
In Samvat 1830 Sheikh Mian from Mangrol took, 
under cover of night, possession of the fort of 
N a V i, situated on the sea-coast, by scaling 
its walls with ladders, but the Rana Sultanji 
called to his aid Jadeja Kumbhoji, Zamindar 
of Gondal, who was a connection of his by 


marriage, and erected batteries against the fort, 
and Shekh Mian obtaining quarter surrendered 
the place. 

In the Sam vat year 1^34 he built the fort of 
Bhetali, on the limits of the country of Nagar 
(the borders of Hallar) ; it was beleaguered by 
Mehraman, a Khavas of the Jam, for some 
time, with a native army. To make short work 
of the matter, he constructed a moveable 
fort called Rangadh, and making an assault 
reached the walls, against which he placed lad- 
ders ; but the assailants had not ascended to the 
middle of them when such a fire of musketry pour- 
ed upon them from the fort, and fiery projectiles 
were thrown upon the Musulmans, that they 
became unwilling fire-worshippers and retreated, 
while burning the slain Hindus became super- 
fluous. In spite of this disgraceful repulse, Meh- 
raman Khavas did not raise the siege, and Thakar 
Premji Lohana, Kamdar ofRanaSulfcanji, opened 
negotiations for aid through a paternal uncle of the 
author, whose name was Govindji, for a long time 
Faujdar of Kutiana. When the victorious army 
approached nearer, Mehraman Khavas raised the 
siege and made peace ; whereupon the army 
marched from that place towards Okh;! to subdue 
the robbers of P o s i t a r a, who robbed ^e people 
by land and by sea, and those events have already 
been narrated. The account of this will be given 
in connection with Junagadh. 

In the SaxBvat year 1839 Thakar Premji, 


Kamdar of Purbandar, having become haughty 
and fat like a tumour, in the exuberance of his 
power, made an alliance with Mehraman Khavas 
of Navanagar and Kurabhaji of Gondal : — 

A tree which has scarcely yet taken root 
A strong brave man will soon eradicate ; 
But if you leave it long to thrive and grow 
No strength of windlass will pull up its root. 

As the Divan Amarji, like the brilliant sun, 
was day by day prospering more, the three taluk- 
dars just mentioned attempted to break his power ; 
they attacked him, but were quickly put to flight 
with their troops. 

In Saihvat 1843 the Divan Amarji took Chor-^ 
vad from Sanghaji RaizAdah, a relative of Bana 
Sultanji, who, on account of his quarrels with 
Pithayet Hathi, the Zamindar of Malya, was 
unable to pay the wages of his troops^ After 
accomplishing this object, the army of JuAagadh 
marched to Veraval, held hy the Jftmftd&ra 
Rakhia Banhura and Ibrahim Khaa Pattani» 
who were disloyal towards the Nav&b Saheb 5 
the fort walls were scaled hy ladders, and Diler 
Khan, the cowardly Thdnadar, took to his 
heels; so that the Divan Saheb Raghunathji 
was able in a very brief time to conquer both 
the forts. 

In Samvat 1855 Kaly^n Shet, the Divan 
of the Navab Saheb at Junagadh, fled to 
Kutiana, where he raised the standard of revolt, 
^nd plundered the country of Drapha, but the 


Rana Sultanji prepared an army to encounter 
him, and the author being in the R ana's service 
was appointed to march with cannon and troops 
to punish Kalyan Shefc. 

The beginning of Divan Ranchodji's remaiaing 
in the service of Rana Sultanji was as follows : — 
The author had taken his departure from Nagar 
to Mangrol with some horsemen to celebrate the 
wedding of his younger brother Dalpatram, 
whilst the Divan Saheb Raghunath had himself 
remained in Nagar ; and Mehraman Khavas, 
perceiving the field 'free, and disregarding po- 
liteness, imprisoned the Nagar Karkuns of the 
tribe of Buj who dwelt in the same street as we 
did. The Divan Saheb being helpless, the Sir- 
bandi attached to the Divan's house having gone 
to Mangrol, despatched a letter to the author, 
which reached him whilst he was encamped at 
Devra, on his return journey from Mangrol ; ac- 
cordingly he sent all his men to Navanagar, and 
went himself to the Rknk Sultanji at Purbandar. 

In fine, when I arrived in the vicinity of 
Kutian^, Kalyan Shet, Jamadar Nasar bin 
Yamani, with Yahya and others, also Ganga- 
singh Purbhia with Qasbati and other troopers, 
marched out to the sound of kettle-drums with 
banners and cannon, drawing their troops up 
in battle array, near the Idgah of Kuti&na. ' 
On perceiving this display I slowly approached 
the foe with my troops till we could almost 
touch them with our swords and spears, but they 


ran like a herd of sheep from brave lions, and did 
not stop till they reached the bazar of the town, 
and their cannon and some of their men were taken. 
As a reward for this victory the Rana presented 
me with a necklace of pearls and a palanquin. 

In Saxhvat 1864 [ad. 1807] Halaji Kunvar 
made Jamadar Omar his secret partner, and by 
promises of gifts of pearls, &c. he obtained 
possession of the fort of Khirasra from SubadaT 
Khan Afghan. He then plundered Madhavpur 
and took possession of the fort of Navibandar 
by scaling its walls with ladders in the darkness of 
the night ; his intention was to take Purbandar 
also, but it was not fulfilled. Rana Sultanij 
called to his aid the Divanji Saheb Vithal Rao, 
who, through the intervention of the Divan Sfiheb 
Raghunathji, under whose protection Omar the 
Jamadar was, suppressed the rebellion by 
paying one lakh of Jam is [kodis]. In the Sam vat 
year 1865 (a. d. 1808) Halaji Kunvar, through 
the Divan Raghunathji, under pretence of re- 
quiring protection, but in reality to capture his 
own father, had taken into his service the Jama- 
dar Murad Khan, 'Faqir Muhammad Mekrani, 
and Sheikh Muhammad Zobaidi the Arab, and 
again rebelled, but, being uaable successfully to 
oppose the Rrma, they fled to Kandorna, which 
was in their possession, where they took refuge, 
but surrendered it after a few days to the Jam 
Saheb JasAji, who promised them their former 
service and gave them the sum of one lakh of 


Jamis [kodis]. Halaji despatched his Vakils to 
implore assistance from the Huzur Alexander 
Walker S^heb, who had accompanied the 
Subah of Kathiavad, Divan Saheb Vithal Rao, in 
aid of the Gaikva(J, and who, levying tribute, had 
established their fear amongst the zamindars. The 
noble-minded Saheb immediately marched, took 
the fort in two hours, but granted^ pardon to 
the garrison ; and, as Kutiana was near, by 
order of the Divanji Saheb Raghunathji, the 
author was admitted to the honour of waiting 
on the Saheb Bahadur, and offering as nazardnah 
a horse and a Yemani sword set with jewels ; he 
met Ballantine Saheb and Robertson Saheb twice, 
and twice received a handsome dress. On that 
occasion the Colonel said, " You are well disposed 
towards the Sarkar Company BahA-dur, and you 
will be much regarded. Be of good cheer, and 
if you come with me to Baroda you will obtain 
an honourable post in the Company's service." 
But, as I did not think proper to separate from 
the country of Kutiana, I took leave at Pal and 

On this occasion I had gone in the company 
of the Amir-like x\lexander Walker to see 
the fort of Ghumli, but I saw only ruins, a burnt 
and fallen temple, a deep wdv full of limpid water, 
some ancient dilapidated edifices, two tanks, and 
a wall on the hill which is called the fort 
x\ b a p u r a. 

In Samvat 1S66 (a.d. 1809) the Raja assigned 


a share in the revenues of Purbandar to the 
servants of the Sark^r Company Bahadur, and 
the farm of the revenue to Sundarji Khatri j 
Prathiraj Kunvar resisted, biit on aid coming 
from the Company Sarkar the fort of C h h a y a 
was evacuated in two hours and made over to 
Halaji. The Kunvar, being wounded, was cap- 
tured, with his wife, but the sipdhis were so 
greedy to have the golden anklets of his grand- 
mother that they cut off her feet. 

After the demise of Halaji the reign of 
Prathiraj began, and the old inhabitants, 
who were Lohanas and Nagars, emigrated. Rana 
Sultanji himself was, after the death of his son, 
received into the mercy of God in Sam vat 1869. 

The mandir of Madhavarai is situated in 
the fort of M a d h a V p u r, in the taluka of Pur- 
bandar ; and the kmda named Sita-mundri, which 
is very well known, is situated at a distance of two 
kos therefrom. In this zilla — mung (pulse), ka^ 
shiya {Phaaeolus radiatus), and sugar-canes are 
produced ; most of the soil is alluvial and produces 
three crops annually. The forts of C h h & y &, 
Ranawav, Adwana, Miani, Nav5, Kan- 
do r n a, and Madhavpur are dependencies of 
this mahal ; on the west is the sea ; on the east are 
Kutiana, Mahiari, and Mangrol; on the 
south the sea ; and on the north the hills of 
B a r a d a and the district of H a 1 a r. There are 
two seaports, namely Purbandar and N a v i, 
and the revenues amount to eight lakhs of kod^. 


Description of Gondal. 

This is a district of H a 1 a r ; it was deserted for 
some time, but Amin Khan ben Tatar Khan Ghori 
took charge of it in 1647 (a.d. 1590), for Muzaf- 
far the Sultan of Gujarat, and cultivated it. 
Kunvar Vibhaji obtained it as jdgir from his 
father ; but Kumbhaji bin Halaji, by his good 
fortune and his cunning, having got the zamin- 
daris of Dhoraji and Up let a from the 
Navab Saheb for service done and for a little 
money, and having taken Bhayavadar from 
the Desais Govind Rai and others, besides 
some villages from the Kathis and Rajputs, he 
built forts and established an independent rdj. 
His good and mild government was extensively 
praised. By the help of the army of the Gaikvad 
his own attacked Trimbakrao with a number of 
Kathis and Gir^sias, firing some cannon at the 
fort of Navanagar; but the Nagars of the 
vanguard of the army were slain. The fort in 
Gondal was built on the banks of the Gondii 
river in ancient times, and up to our days graves 
may be seen there. In the year 1828 the 
Maratha army attacked that of Junagadh, 
which was encamped at Majhevadi, and captured 
the Arab Jamadar Salmin, who was, however, 
afterwards released again. 

The forts ofMovia,ofDhoraji,ofUpleta, 
ofB hayavadar, ofGanod, of A nalagadh, 
and of Mengni belong to Gondal, which is 


bounded on the west by Dhank, on the east by 
the parganah of Rajkot, on the west by the 
parganah of Dhrol, on the south hy the parganah 
of Jetpur. These were formerly the limits, and the 
revenue amounts to ten lakhs of Jamis. 

Description of Rajkot. 

This is a dependency of H a 1 a r, and was given 
as dijdgir to the holders by the Jam Raval instead 
of Kalawad. He bestowed Sardharon MasAm 
A'li Khan, who treacherously slew the Kathis that 
were the zamindars of it. The fort of R a j k o t 
was built of white stone by Lakhaji Jadeja on 
the banks of the river Aji. He divided scattered 
villages among his brothers, but Kotda and Raj- 
pura still belong to him. In Sariivat 1875 (a.d. 
1818) the EngHsh Sarkar, the paramount power in 
Kathiavad, built a handsome camp here. Rajkot 
is bounded on the east by the Panchal, on the 
west by Pardhari, on the north by Wankaner 
and Than, and on the south by Kathiavad. 

Description of Morbt. 

Morbi was given as an inam to Rao Bhara by 
the DehU SuMns in Sam?at 1627 [a.d. 1550], 
for his surrender of Sultan Muzaffar into the 


hands of Azam Humaiyun. After Rayaji had 
been slain by his younger brother Kayaji, the 
latter, much as he tried, could not obtain full 
power, and was obliged to be content with 
Morbi, Adhoi, and Wagad. In Sariivat 
1508 (a.d. 1451) the Faujdar on the part of the 


Shah of Gujarat was Toghlak Khan, who built 
a strong fort on the banks of the Machhu river. 
The revenue of this district^ amounts to three 
lakhs of Jamis ; it produces good joivdri, and 
it is bounded on the east by Jhalavad, on the 
west by Dhrol, on the north by the Salt Ran, 
and on the south by Wankaner. 

Description of Bhavanagar. 

In ancient times most of the zillas of this re- 
gion were in the possession of the Audich string- 
wearers (Brahmans). Mokheraji, a Gohel Raj- 
put, governed the island of P e r i m, and made a 
firm stand against the royal army which at- 
tacked him near Gundi. He obtained four 
choj'dsis, viz. those of Lathi and others, from 
the Raja of Junagadh on account of the con- 
nection with his daughter. It is said that 
the Sultan of Gujarat, having taken the Raja, 
kept him prisoner in a stable for horses. A 
potter having arrived there from Gohelvad was 
gratuitously supplying water during the fasting 
month (Ramazan) to the guards, who con- 
sidered themselves obliged thereby ; in the morn- 
ings and evenings they were engaged in break- 
ing the fast ; on such an occasion the potter 
took the Raja, and, placing him on his donkey 
instead of the water-bag, carried him out of 
the town to a place where a party of Atits 
was encamped, who received him in a hand- 
some and kind way, dressed him as a jogi 


and took him to S i h o r, where one of his cousins 
reigned. The Atits sent in their Vakil with the 
following message : — ** We are travellers and are 
in, the habit of waiting on rajas ; we have 
brought arms, jev\rels, and shawls ; if grders are 
issued we will display these things and also oiFer 
presents." The Raja, who had no experience, 
agreed, and the Atits, who entered the fort with 
their arms, seated the former Raja on the masnad 
and removed the new one. It is related that 
when the people saw the Raja in the state of a 
Darvaish, wearing red garments, they said, 
" This is a Raval," i.e. a darvaish ; and from 
that day he obtained the title of R & v a 1. I^have 
also heard that when the Raja fled from this 
captivity he went to Dungarpur, where his ma- 
ternal uncle was reigning, and where he remained 
for several years. As the Raja of Dungarpur 
was one of the brothers of the Raja of Udaipur 
and had the title of Raval, he bestowed it also on 
his nephew ; but God knows best. 

In Samvat 1779 (a.d. 1722) Bhavdsing Ra- 
val built the fort of Bhavanagar, of which 
he assigned a part of the revenues to the Eng- 
lish and to the Peshva on the 3rd Vaisakh Sud. 
After him his grandson Vakhatsmgji enlarged 
his territory by taking possession of some localities 
belonging to the Kolis and Kathis, and obtained 
Goghabarah and Rajula from the Navab Saheb 
Ahmad Khan, and became very strong and 


The taluka G o g h a was given by the Sultans 
of Gujarat to the Babis, and afterwards in 
Samvat 1810 (a,d. 1753) it came into the pos- 
session of Momin Khan, and then into that of the 
Srimant Peshva. When in course of time Sohrab 
Khan and Momin Khan removed Sher Zaman 
Khan from Gogha, it fell into the hands of 
Yakhatsingh, and he is still the joint possessor of 
it with the English. 

The fort of Tal aj a was taken by the aid of 
the Divanji Saheb Amarji; and,Samvat 1 850 (a. d. 
1793), Wakhatsinghji took C h i t a 1, which from 
the number of the KathSs, and the aid of the 
Navab Saheb Hamid Khan Bahadur, was very 
strong, and he destroyed the fort of J a s d a n. lu 
the Samvat year 1852, after the fighting was over, 
the Navab Snheb granted aparvdnd for K u n d 1 a 
and other places on condition of paying tribute. 
The parganahs.Mahuva, Talaja, Rajula, Kundla, 
Sihor, Dihor, Triipaj, Umrala, Patana, and Botad 
are dependencies of Bhavanagar. The fort of 
Sihor is the capital, and is situated between 
two mountains. The temple of R o v a p u r i in 
Bhavanagar is a celebrated one. The three ports 
are M a h u v a, Gogha, and Bhavanagar, 
to which numerous merchants resort in 'ships. 
Here fine dmbas (mangoes), gundds, and oleanders 
(kandr) are produced. 

Pa lit ana belongs to one of his hhdydd. 
The fort is situated at the foot of Mount 
Satrunjaya, which contains many ancient 


temples visited by pilgrims from distant places. 
The limits of Bhavanagar are the sea on the 
east, on the west the parganali of Amreli, on the 
north Jhalavad and Sri Bhimnath ; on the south 
the parganah of Una Babriavad and of Muzaffa- 
rabad. The produce amounts to eight lakhs of 

Description of Jh^lAvad. 

This zilla began to pay tribute during the 
time of the Divanji Saheb Amarji, in Samvat 
1832 (a.d. 1795), and was for some time the 
jdgir of Umdat-ul-Mulk. Chroniclers narrate 
tliat in Samvat 1320 (a.d. 12G3) Siddhrao 
J a y a s i £ h a, the Raja of Gujarat, reigned in 
tlie capital city of Piran Patlan, who had a wife 
beautiful as a fairy ; it happened that a Deva or 
Rjikshasa fell in love with her, and had intercourse 
with her every night after tying the Raja her 
husband uj) in a corner. 
Hemistich : — An imcoiigcnial consort is great misery. 

The Raja had a confidential and faithful ser- 
vant, a Rjijput of the Jhfila tribe, whose name 
was Makwana IIar])al Valad Kesar, and to whom 
he promised a fine jd(/ir if he would relieve 
him from this enemy. The said Rajput agreed, 
kept his word and removed the Bhut ; the Raja on 
his i>art was also desirous to fulfil his promise, and 
asked the Rajput how he wished to be reward- 
ed. The latter replied, '* Let every village be 
mine where I can bind a foran or string of green 


leaves during one night." The Raja agreed, and 
in one night Jogini — whose devotee the Rajput 
was— tied 1799 torans to as many villages, but 
when the Rajput arrived at the gate of Digsar 
the morning began to dawn. Accordingly the Raja 
gave all the villages thus marked to the Jhala 
Rajput, and seven villages to the Charans. As 
the Jhula had adopted the Rani of Raja Siddhrao 
Jayasinha to be his sister, he gave her the five hun- 
dred villages of the B h a 1 as a present, and kept 
the others for himself. H a 1 w a d and D h r a n- 
g a d r a were constituted seats of government, and 
the other parganahs were distributed among his 
sons and cousins. In course of time such places 
as Limbadi, Saila, Vankaner, Lakhtar, Vadhvan, 
Than,Chuda, and others became separate talukas, 
and were adorned with strong forts. Pratap- 
singh Raja, in order to aid Jam Tamachi bin Rai 
Singh, who was his nephew, had given his own 
daughter to Mubariz-al-mulk, and the daughter 
of one of his cousins, who was the Zamindar of 
Mathak, to Salabat Khtm Babi, by whose sup- 
port he seated the Jam on the throne of Nagar. 

Sadasiv Ramchandra captured the fort of 
Halwad in Samvat 1816 (a.d. 1758) and cap- 
tured Raja Babha, who paid ransom and 
was released. Mubariz-al-mulk laid siege to 
the fort of V a d h V a n, which was so reduced 
by scarcity of water that by the intervention 
of Chatarsingh, Raja of Narvar, an arrange- 
ment was come to by which a payment of 


peshkash or tribute was made in its behalf, so 
that Raja Arjan Singh remained in safety. In 
Samvat 1862 (a.d. 1805) Babaji Saheb assailed 
the fort of Vadhvan with cannon and besieged 
it, but marched away disappointed. Fateh 
Singh Gaikvad besieged the fort of L i m b a d i 
in Samvat 1831 [1834], but the Divanji S&heb 
Amarji sent an army from Junagadh to the aid 
of the Raja Harbhamji, whereupon Rao Saheb 
Fateh Sing thought proper to make peace and 

In this country there is a great deal of alluvial 
soil ; it produces good jowdri and cotton, but no 
trees except nim, 

Vankaner is a strong fort on the banks of the 
Machhu river. Here the Raja Bharaji Jhala 
reigns, who was at first the tildt (or heir to the 
throne) of Halwad. When his father died, TilAt 
Sultanji went out of the town to perform 
the funeral ceremonies, but his brothers closed 
the gates and shut him out ; accordingly he 
went to Nagar, and with the aid of the J&m 
took possession of Vankaner, Than, and 108 
villages belonging to Mahyas and Babrias, and 
thence he ravaged Jhalavad ; he was afterwards 
slain in the battle of Mathak, but his descendants 
still reign at Vankaner. The Rajas of Halwad 
and Vankaner unite in Chandra Singh, the 
fifteenth ancestor of their line. 

This country is mountainous ; the temple of 
Jadesvara Mahftdeva, which has been 


repaired by the Divanji Saheb Vithalrao, is a 
famous one. In the mountains green, i;vhite, and 
black stones are quarried, and the P a n c h a 1 
parganah adjoins them. Jhalavad contains some 
celebrated temples, among which is that of 
Sri Bhimna t h, the Atits whereof are rich 
and esteemed, and also the temple of Somanath.* 

The total revenue of Jhalavad is 5,00,000 

On the east of Jhalavad are the parganahs of 
Pitlad and Baroda, and on the west Morbi and 
Vankaner, on the north Dhandhuka and other 
parganahs and Yiramgam, and on the south the 
parganahs of Bhavanagar and Khambala. 

The RIjas of JunAgadh. 


An account of Mount G i r n a r, of the excellen- 
cies and blessings of the temples of ^ri Gimar, of 
Bhiivanath, of Mahadeva, of Mrigikunda, of 
Damodarkunda, &c. is given in the Prabhasa- 
khanda, which is a portion of the Skandapurdna, a 
book of great authority among the Hindus. Be 
it known that the great Rajas of the Solar and of 
the Lunar race who have passed away are count- 
less : — 

Distich .—How many heroes buried under ground 

On earth no vestige of them can be found ! 

During the space of 2350 years Junagadh 

was governed by C h u d a s a m a, u e. Lunar 

* This is Ghelo Somandth, and not the one near 
PrabhSsa Pfittau. 


Rajputs who were descendants of 6ri Sadasiv, and 
who are said to have come in former times from 
Sindh, the throne devolving in regular succession 
to nine men of the name of Naughan, ten of the 
name of Jakhra, eleven of the name of Alansingh, 
and to other individuals with various names, who 
hecame Rajas. As no chronicles exist of this 
dynasty of high lineage, and it would not be 
worth while to repeat mere tales, only a short 

account will here be given. 


Rao Dayat and Kuvar Naughan. 

A caravan of the Raja of Gujarat, whose 
capital was Piran Pattan, happened to go on pil- 
grimage to Sri Girnar and Diimodarakunday and 
arrived in JunAgadh. It so happened that on 
this occasion Rao Dayat expressed his desire to 
marry the daughter of Raja Siddha Rao of Gujarat, 
who was extremely beautiful, and wanted her to 
be surrendered to him in lieu of the tax which 
was to be levied from the travellers. When the 
leader of the caravan perceived that there was no 
other way of getting out of the difficulty than by 
stratagem, he proposed that permission should be 
given first to go to Piran Pattan, and then to re- 
turn for the wedding in due state and with the 
customary presents. In this manner the Raja 
was deceived, and the caravan was allowed to 

Wlien they had arrived in their own country, 
Raja Siddha Rao conceived the idea of getting pos- 


session ofJunagadh and of enjoying the plea- 
sures of Mount G i r n a r. Accordingly he took a 
girl of unparalleled beauty, clothed her in royal 
garments and placed her in a sumptuous chariot to 
represent his daughter the princess. She was 
accompanied by several young men dressed as 
females to attend upon her, as well as by five 
hundred carts supposed to be loaded with her 
dowry, but in reality each containing four valiant 
armed men. There was also a powerful vanguard 
preceding the large party, and announcing every- 
where its arrival. Dayat, who suspected nothing, 
was so joyful that he adorned the city, opened his 
treasury liberally, and went out in great joy to 
meet his bride, in whose chariot he took his seat ; 
when, however, this train entered the city, the 
gatekeeper, whose eyes were blind but whose 
mind was wide awake, exclaimed when he heard 
the heavy rattle of the carts, " The load of these 
wagons consists of able-bodied men, and not of 
tender girls." When the guards perceived that 
the secret was revealed, they quickly leaped out 
of the carts, shouting, "Boys, throw off your 
female garments ! Use your swords ; we are not 
women !" Accordingly they slew Dayat and 
took possession of the fort ofJunagadh. 

On that frightful occasion a girl carried N a u- 
g h a n K u n V a r, who was a small boy, to a place 
called Alidhar, in the parganah of K o d i n a r, to 
the house of an Ahir called D e v a i t, who was the 
Mukaddam or Patil of that place. In course of 


time certain scouts, glad to foment distarbances, 
informed the governor left by Siddha Rao at Juna- 
gadh of this circumstance ; accordingly men were 
despatched from Junagadh to take Naughan 
forcibly away ; but, as it is against the Hindu re- 
ligion to surrender a person who has taken refuge 
in a house, Devait preferred to give up his own 
son, whose head the malefactors immediately cut 
off, and Devfiit exclaimed — 
Hemistich : — If me you do not fear, fear God ! 

When the hard-hearted wretches were informed 
of their mistake, they shouted for Naughan, but 
Devait brought another son, and another, until . 
those butchers had killed all his seven sons ; and, 
to his eternal honour, Devait preserved the life of 

Distich : — He never dies who his religion keeps ; 

The moon is shining always in the world. 
As it was the will of the omnipotent and most 
glorious Creator, the universal Benefactor, that the 
world-illuminating sun of Raja Naughan should 
rise with a horoscope of felicity, illuminating the 
world with the conquests and victories of his reign, 
and imparting eternal glory and freshness to the de- 
lightful country of Sindh, and to purge it from the 
thistles and chaff of rebellion, the executors of the 
divine commands had preserved his life from this 
wrathful dust of his cruel foes. In proof of this 
it may be stated that Devait had a lovely daughter 
of tender age, for a long time the playmate of 
Kunvar Naughan ; they lived with each other as 


sister and brother. When that girl, whose name 
was Jasal, became of age, Devait made a wedding 
feast for her on a large scale, but as the grief for 
his murdered sons was yet deep in his heart he 
invited all his tribe-fellows the Ahirs, who were 
extremely numerous, and consulted them on the 
subject ; and they finally came to the determina- 
tion to invite many of the followers of Siddha Rao 
and to slay them. Accordingly Devait went to 
Junagadh with great ceremony, and induced the 
Naib of the Raja, with all the Amirs and gran- 
dees of the locality, to come to the wedding feast. 
The Raja himself was not^ aware of the proverb 
that it is folly to^trust in the politeness of foes, 
and that the waves which lick the feet of the wall 
will overthrow it : accordingly they went ; at the 
time of the repast Devait caused them to sit in 
rows, and the Ahirs, at asignal from Rao Naughan, 
who had also the murder of his own father to 
deplore, fell upon the guests, all of whom were 
slain, and became themselves a splendid repast 
for the crows and vultures, whereas Naughan was 
carried to Junagadh and placed on the throne in 
the Samvat year 874 (a.d. 817). 

Naughan conquers Sindh. 

There was a great famine in Samvat 895 
(a.d. 838) in the country of Sorafcha, so that 
many persons died of hunger. The Ahirs, who 
had much cattle, heard that corn was cheap, and 
grass as well as water plentiful in Sindh, and 


went there ; and among them also Devait, with 
his beautiful daughter Jiisal, took up his abode 
in a beautiful fresh, pleasant, and green prairie. 
According to the hemistich : 

The rose's beauties cannot be concealed. 
JasaFs attractions had reached the ears of Hamir 
Sumra, who, under pretence of hunting, went 
quite close to her dwelling. 
Distich : — Not sight alone will love beget ; . 
But speech will contribute to bliss. 
He beheld a maiden beautiful beyond all de- 
scription, and in comparison with whom even 
fairies would be plain-looking. 

Verses : — Her form a palm, made by Mercy's hand ; 
The charms of grace her head adorned ; 
Her features Irem's garden's samples were, 
With various hues of roses blooming ; 
Her chin so wonderfully beautiful, 
Its dimple a well of immortfllity ; 
Her waist so slim and thin and accurate ; 
No one was ever born here beneath 
To see her face and not to lose his heart. 

At the sight of JasaFs beauty the Sultan of love 
took possession of the Shah's heart, and erected 
the flag of aifection towards her in his breast, 
captivating him like a bird in the lasso of her 

The charms of love find entrance through the ear, 

They rob the mind of peace, the heart of sense ; 

But sight makes grow the seed which speech has 
cast, — 

Yes, hearing is but seeing's seed. 


In short, the Shah*s passion was so fervent that 
he immediately asked for the hand of Jasal, but 
the Ahir abhorred the uncongenial union of a 
Hindu maiden with a Muhammadan, and Hamir 
Sumra became angry. 
Distich .—Patience abides not in a lover's heart. 

Nor water in a sieve. 
Accordingly he ordered the guards of the road 
to allow no one to pass in the direction of Soratha ; 
nevertheless Jasal managed to send the following 
lines by means of a courier, who was quick as the 
lightning and rapid as the wind, secretly to her 
friend Naughan : — 
Verses : — *' My lord, have pity with my case : 

I am in great calamity ; 

T have no helper thee beside ; 

Thou wilt distressed persons aid ; 

My shame and honour do defend ; 

Show me the road to our own land." 
In conclusion, she besought Naughan to pro- 
tect the honour of his adopted sister, in the same 
way as Sri Krishna had protected Draupadi from 
her persecutors. As soon as Naughan had re- 
ceived these lines and perused them, he imme- 
diately collected an army consisting of Rajputs, 
Ahirs, Kolis, Kathis, Khants, Babrias, and 
Mers in order to punish the godless Sumra, and 
marched by the way of Kachh through Lakh- 
patnagar to Sindh. 
Distich : — 

His numbers of the army when they took 
The coats of mail three lakhs they found to be. 


When the Shah of Sindh he&rd from his spies 
that Raja Naughan was approaching — 

Distich : — 

His toDgue he from his mouth protruded ; 

His breath had missed the way, and fast it stuck. 

He coiled himself up like a snake in his rage, 
and roared like a famished lion, and was impa- 
tiently expecting Naughan, who was meanwhile 
approaching with an army reaching from the 
boundary of Kasmir to the mountains of MekrUn, 
turbulent like the waves of the ocean, countless 
in numbers, with fire-vomiting cannon, lightning- 
throwing guns, blood- shedding muskets, and all 
sorts of engines. The battle was fought on a 
fine morning, and the forces of Sumra were so 
arranged that his left flaqk consisted of Sammas 
and Sumrjis, whilst his right consisted of Kabulis 
and Kasmiris ; with the van were Mir Behram, 
Ibrahim Kulikhun, and Jangiz Khan, while Mirza 
Kuli, A'li Haidar the lord of the Sub ah of 
Peshawar, and Shadadkhan Ghaznavi who kindled 
the flames of war, were with the centre ; whilst on 
the opposite the foe-breaking Maharaja Sakatsing 
and Jakatsing Jadu, Nag Jetwa and others, with 
a multitude of Kafch?s, such as Harsur Khachar, 
and Devsur Wala, and Nagdan Khuman, and Rao 
Nuusar and Babru Laka, and Hira Kachhan on 
the left, and Pandurang Apa, and Ganpat Rao 
Nimbalkar, and Bhujang Rao Bhonsla were placed 
in the van, and with crowds of Ghatis and others 
pushed on to meet the foe. When the opposite 


lines were arranged, a brisk cannonade opened the 
battle from both sides, followed by musketry fire* 
according to the Faranghi fashion, which sent 
many to their eternal rest and brought numberless 
heads to the ground. Afterwards the mU^e 
began,in which spears and swords were used promis- 
cuously with darts, clubs, and arrows. The battle 
lasted from morning till evening, and Sumra was 
put to flight with his Baluchis, leaving hills of 
corpses on the field. The Rajputs delivered Jasal 
and took her, with all her friends, with many 
Lohanas, Bhatias, Khatris, Sarasvatis, and other 
Hindu castes, with some Sindhis and Musulmans, 
with their wives and children, whom they estab- 
lished in the country about Junagadh. Chroniclers 
narrate that so many long-bearded but short-lived 
Sindhis were slain that a bridge was made of their 
bodies across the Salt Ran, over which the army 
passed. Much plunder fell into the hands of the 
courtiers of the Raja, who obtained also a lakh 
of gold ingots from his invasion of Sindh, and 
used them in building the temple of Petha Dev! 
in Halar, but in lieu of one of them, which the 
brother-in-law of the Raja had kept back, his own 
head was inserted in the wall ; God, however, 
knows best. Noghan Raja has passed away and 
left a good name. 

RijA KhengIh, son of Naughan. 
Rao Khengar ascended the throne in Samvat 

• The anthor evidently forgot, when writing this, 
that firearms were not in ose in Naughan'a time. 


916 (a.d. 859), and marched with a large army 
intending to raze the fort of Pattan, in Guja- 
. rat, to the ground ; as Siddha Rao happened 
at that time to be away on some business and at 
a great distance, Khengar made use of the' 
opportunity to carry off some stones from 
that fort, wherewith he built the Kalva gate at 
Junagadh. To take vengeance for this insult 
the son of Siddha Rao afterwards invaded Jund- 
gadh, and Khengar being pursued by his foes the 
thread of his life was snapped in the vicinity of 
Bagasara, but Rani Ranik Devdi, his spouse, was 
captured, and the Amirs intended to make a 
present of her to the Maharaja Siddha Rao. 
The Rani, however, endued with a keen sense of 
modesty peculiar to the innocent, took refuge in 
the temple of Sankara, lord of the world, 
situated on the Bhogava river and exclaimed, — 

Hemistich : — 
Thou modesty hast granted, preserve my honour ! 

All of a sudden the surface of the earth was 
opened by the will of that Concealer, and she 
leaped of her own accord into the gap, which 
thus became her grave. 

Distich : — 

The bosom of the earth was quickly opened ; 
She entered, like the soul, the abode of dust. 

Another account about Ranik Devdi is that she 
was originally the daughter of Raja Siddha Rao, 
and that by the aid of their knowledge of stellar 


influences astrologers made the statement that 
she would be married to her own father. This 
information so distressed the Raja that he expos- 
ed the infant girl in a lonely place to become the 
food of birds of prey. But, as everything de- 
creed by fate must take place, it happened by 
the providence of God that a potter took the 
little maiden from the desert, and being much 
pleased brought her up ; afterwards he happened 
to go to Soratha, where he presented her to Ra 
5^hengar, and informed her that she was the 
daughter of Raja Siddha Rao, lest she might be- 
come imbued with hatred towards her own father, 
on account of which she afterwards sacrificed her 
life, which event took place in Saihvat 952 (a.d. 

MularIja and Naughan. 

The reign of Khengar lasted thirty-six years ; 
his son Mularaja ascended the throne in Saihvat 
952, and reigned thirty-five years and six months. 
Raja Jakhra, son of Mularaja, began to reign in 
Saihvat 987, and he reigned for twenty-one years. 
Raja Ganraj, son of Jakhra^ became king in 
Saihvat 1009, and reigned for thirty-eight years 
and four months. Raja Mandalika, son of Ganraj, 
mounted the throne of Soratha in Samvat 1047. 

Fight op RIja Mandalika with Mahmud 

. Ghaznavi. 

The hateful Sultan Mahmi^d Ghaznavi march- 
ed with an army from Ghaznin to Gujarat with 


the intention of carrying on a relijpous war. In 
Samvat 1078 (a.d. 1021, a.h. 414) be demolished 
the temple of Sri Somanath and returned. This 
act so provoked the Mahdraja Masidalika, who 
was a protector of his own religion, that he 

marched with Bhim Dera, the Raja of Gujar&t, 
in pursuit : 

Tbey ran like fawns and leaped like onagers^ 
As lightning now, and now outvying wind I 

The Muhammadans did not make a great stand, 
hut fled ; many of tliem were slain by Hindu 
scymitars and prostrated by Rajput war-clubs, 
and when the sun of the Raja's fortune culmin- 
ated Shah Malimiid took to his heels in dismay 
and saved his life, but many of his followers, of 
both sexes, were captured. Turkish, Afgb&n, 
and Moghul female prisoners were, if they hap* 
pened to be virgins, considered pure according to 
their own belief, and were without any difficulty 
taken as wives ; the bowels of the others, how- 
ever, were cleansed by means of emetics and pur- 
gatives, and the captives were after that disposed 
of ^according to the command, " The wicked 
women to the wicked men, and the good women 
to the good men" [Qordn, xxiv. 26] ; the 
low females were joined to low men. Respect- 
able men were compelled to shave their beards, 
and were enrolled among the Shekavat and the 
W&dhel tribes of RAjputs ; whilst the lower kinds 
were allotted to the caf tes of Kelts, Kh^ts, 
B&bri&s, and MSre. AU^however. were allowed 


to retain the wedding and funeral ceremonies 
current among themselves, and to remain aloof 
from those of other classes ; but God knows best. 
During the reign of MandaUka, dkannasdlds, 
temples, tanks, bridges, and wdvs-weTe constructed, 
and it lasted forty-eight years and two months. 

Hamira Deva, Vijayapala, Naughan, &c. 

Raja HamiraDeva, the son of Raja Manda* 
lika, began to reign in Samvat 1095 ; he exercised 
both justice and equity, and the country prospered 
more than under his father ; he governed it dur- 
ing thirteen years and some days. 

Raja Vijayapala, the son of R&ja Hamira 
Deva, ascended the throne in Samvat 1108, and 
sat on it for fifty-four years and six months. 

The reign of Raja Naughan, son of Raja 
Vijayapala, began in 1 162, and lasted two years. 

Raja Mandalika, the son of Naughan, began 
to reign in 1 184, and died eleven years afterwards. 

Raja Alansingh, the son of Mandalika, 
commenced to reign in Soratha in 1195, and his 
government lasted fourteen years. 

Raja D h a n e s h, the son of Alansingh, became 
Raja in the year 1209, and reigned five* years. 

Raja Naughan, son of Naughan, obtained 
the rdj in 1214, and reigned nine years. 

Rao K h e n g a r came to the throne in 1224 
(a.d. 1167), and reigned forty-six years. 

* Some copios have * nine*' 


R4ja Mandalika, son of Eaja Kheng&r, 
placed the diadem of raja-ship on his head in 
the Samvat year 1270, and reigned twenty-two* 
years three months and twenty-two days. 

Raja M a h i p u 1 a, son of Mandalika, be^an 
to reign in 1302 ; he reigned thirty-fourf yeitra 
five months and three days. 

Raja K h e n g a r, the son of Mahipala, began 
to reign on the 12th Maghasar in Samvat 
1336 (a.d.1279). He conquered eighteen islands 
shch as Div Bhet, Sankhodar, and others, and 
. repaired the temple of Somanath, which the 
Musulman Sultans had destroyed ; his reign lasted 
fifty-four years and thirteen days. During his 
time Shams Khan arrived, by order of Firdz 
Shah, and took Junagadh after a little struggle; 
whereupon Raja Khengar took refuge on Mount 
Girnar, and thus saved his life, but the town 
was plundered. 


Jayasingh, son of Raja Khengar, became 
Raja in Samvat 1390, and reigned eleven years 
eight months and eleven days. 

Raja Mugatsingh, son of Jayasingb» 
also called Mokalsingh, ascended the throne on 
the 6th Bhadrava in Samvat 1402, and retained 
it for fourteen years and thirteen days. 

Raja M a d h u p a t, son of Mugatsingh, com- 

* Some copies read * thirtj^-two.* 
t Some oopiee read * thirty-four.' 


menced to reign on the 4tli of Ashvad in Samvat 
1412.* He reigned five years one month and 
six days. 

Raja Mandalika, son of Madhupat, be- 
gan to reign on the 10th of Kartika Sud in 
Samvat 1421. His reign lasted seventeen years 
six months and three days. 

Raja Melak, the brother of Mandalika, wha 
"was the son of a slave-girl, began his reign in 
Samvat 1439, and it lasted eleven years eleven 
months and twenty-four days. 

Raja Jayasingh, the son of Melak, became 
king in the Samvat year 1468. He reigned for 
eighteen years three months and fourteen days. 
He took the fort of Zanjirah (?) from the Musul- 
mans, who, asking for and obtaining quarter, 
evacuated the place. 

Raja K h e n g a r bin Jayasingh mounted the 
throne in Samvat 1486. When the Padishah 
Ahmad Gujarati marched his army to aid the 
Muhammadan religion and to overthrow the 
government of Junagadh, Khengar, the son of 
Jayasingh, and his Divan, Hira Singh, who was 
a Nagar, being unable to resist him, took refuge 
in the fort of Uparkot, and remained there in 
safety in Samvat 14/0, but eventually they died, 
and the town was plundered, and Sayyid Kasam 
and Sayyid Abul-Khair, who were left with a 
thdnah to collect the salami^ bestowed jdgira on 

* Some copies have S. 1413. 


the Muhammadans both m the city and parga- 
nahs, and caused them to settle there, and alsot 
with a view of advancing their own religion, they 
caused Masulmans of the Sindhi, Baluch, and 
Jat tribes, as well as Khokhars, Maliks, Mul- 
tanis, Khuraishis, Afghans, and Ghoris to settle 
there, and made them solemnly promise to shave 
their beards, and not to kill cows, and keep in 
their mosques painted or carved figures of the 
Jaladharis and of the ^iyK-lihga, which custom 
is still observed in those parts. At that time 
Toghlak Shah, the Sultan of Dehli, also de- 
vastated the town. His reign lasted for twenty 
Sultan Ma h mud captures RIja Makdalika. 

* a 

He began to reign in Samvat 1489- Kiwamu*- 
1-Mulk, Amir of Sultan Malimud, ravaged the 
country of Junagaijh in Samvat 1520, and in 
Samvat 1524 took from the Raja his gold um- 
brella, and after another two years had passed he 
again ravaged the city and country. Afterwards 
Sultan Mahmiid Gujarati conquered Junaga^h 
at the instigation of a Vania named Visal, who 
was the Kamdar of the Raja. The Yisal 
Wav is a memorial of him. When the Sultan 
was about to invade Junagadh, he ordered his 
treasurer to get ready five hrora. of rupees 
of ready cash consisting only of gold, the ar- 
mourer to procure 1700 sword-hilts of Maghrabi, 
Yamani, Egyptian, and Khorasani manufacture, 
each weighing from six iira of gold, according to 


the weight of Gujarat, to four Urs ; again 3300 
hilts of Ahmadabad made of silver, and of weights 
varying between four and five sirs ; 1700 large 
daggers, the hilt of each weighing from 2| to 3 
Hrs of gold ; and the chief equerry to get ready 
2000 Arab and Turkish horses, and thus equip- 
ped he arrived at Junagadh and laid siege to the 

The reason why Visal the Vania instigated 
Sultan Mahmiid to come with an army was 
this : — ^The Vania Visal possessed a wife whose 
face was like that of a fairy, and whom to see 
was like beholding a hurt ; her waist was slim, 
her brows arched. Her name was Manmohan. 
One of her glances enfettered the heart of Raja 
Mandalika with the chains of her amber ringlets, 
so that he, captive as he was in the net of her 
musked curls, having by the tricks of a crafty 
procuress obtained access to his mistress, fully en- 
joyed himself with her. When Visal the Vania be- 
came aware that his conjugal happiness had been 
destroyed, he determined to avenge himself, and 
invited Sultan Mahmfid Gujarati to invade Juna- 
gadh. The Sultan, who longed for such news as 
a fasting man longs for the sound '* Allah 
Akbar," and who was desirous of this wealth 
which was to be got for nothing, at once marched 
in that direction with a powerful army. In a 
short time, by the advice of the base Visal, Raja 
Mandalika fell captive into the Sh&h's hands. 
During the siege the Sultan bestowed on the 


sipdhU five krors of gold, besides houses, farms, 
and dresses of honour, and after the Raja had 
embraced Islam he bestowed on him the title of 
Khan Jahan, and his tomb is in the Manikchok 
in the bazar of Ahmadabad. The fortress of 
JuD^gadh fell into the hands of Sultan Mahmud 
in Samvat 1527 (a.d. 1470), and after two years 
he restored the country to his offspring in jdgir. 
And another account of the destruction of the 
kingdom of the Raos, who are also known by the 
title of Raizadahs, is this. 

The Story of Mehta Narsi. 

The fame of the god -knowing devotee, the 
walker in the paths of righteousness and abste- 
miousness, Mehta Saheb Narsi, the Nagar, is 
known from pole to pole, and also the miracles 
performed by him have spread abroad in all di- 
rections. Offended at the ill-humour of his bro- 
ther's wife, Narsi one day left the house and 
went to the house of his god, as represented by the 
temple of Mahadeva Gopinath, where he spent 
several days in fasting, penance, and prayer. At 
last the ocean of boundless grace was seething, 
the cloud of divine favour thundering and an in- 
visible angelic herald conveyed these words to the 
ear of Narsi: — "I hav^ placed the enjojinent 
of corporal desire and the pleasures of this 
world at the disposal of the lord 6ri Krishna. 
You shall behold the spectacle of the R^ 
Mandali, the dancing and the siDging of the 


Gopis, 'with your bodily eyes. Pat into poetry 
and declare again what you have seen, in order 
that those who listen to your songs may ob- 
tain eternal salvation." Narsi Mehta complied ; 
since that time nearly 3/0 years have elapsed, but 
high and low still sing his hymns, and thus accu- 
mulate provision for their final beatitude:— 
Hemistich — The moon is always present in the world! 
Narsi Mehta was a man destitute of jnoney, 
and associated with Vairagis and Bhaktis, who 
tramp about the country ; nevertheless when his 
son Samald^s was celebrating his wedding with 
the daughter of a Nagar, Madanji of Vadanagar, 
he miraculously came into the possession of 
various kinds of chariots, horses with gold orna- 
ments, rich clothes and jewels. Kuvarabai, the 
daughter of Narsi Mehtii, was married to the son 
of Sri Ranga Mehtfi, an inhabitant of Una (under 
Junagadh), in Jhaveripura street. Afterwards 
Narsi appeared with his two ears and nose in 


Unii to attend the ceremony of pregnancy, 
and said to his daughter, " Ask your mother- 
in-law to prepare a list of the garments called 
Mameru in Hindi, that I may make arrange- 
ments for obtaining them." Kuvarabai repUed, 
with her eyes full of tears, her heart sad, and 
voice mournful, ** In these bad times such a 
hope is impossible. Such things are at the dis- 
posal of wealthy people ; be satisfied with having 
seen me, and depart in peace." BTarsi Mehta re- 
plied^ *' Let not your heart be dismayed ; the Most 


High will take care of us, and will not allow ua 
to despair. Get the list quickly, and be not 
down-hearted." Kuvarabal obeyed, and a list 
was mockingly prepared, to realize which would 
have been beyond the means even of wealthy 
people. On that occasion Kuvarabai's father-in- 
law said, " Let them also write for two make- 
weight stones of gold, that the wind may not 
carry away the garments of Narsi MehtA." The 
list made by the mother-in-law was given to Narsi 
Mehta, who prayed to the eternal Benefactor and 
universal Giver ; when, lo, a merchant from the 
invisible world, whose name was D/lmodar Shet, 
and his wife Lakhmi Bai, arrived with several 
clerks and carts loaded with goods. This man 
exclaimed, '* I am one of the Gumashtas of Narsi 
Mehta, and having selected from various coun- 
tries the articles he wanted for the MdmerU, 
have brought them.'* The people of Sri Ranga 
Mehta were amazed at what they saw, and at 
what was coming. The merchants proceeded 
immediately to open the packages, and to display 
to those who were present in the assembly more 
articles than had been written for, together with, 
two golden stones, several suits of clothes, oma« 
ments, and vessels, whereupon all praised the boun- 
ty of the universal Giver, and reviled the mockers 
and unbelievers. The women of the family had 
prepared water for the purposes of ablution be* 
fore the repast, which was boiling hot ; and as it 
was not possible to wash without the aid of cold 


water, which the unbelievers had removed by 
way of trial, such a rain began to pour, by the 
liberality of Sankara, that the water of &hame was 
running down the countenances of the members 
of the family who had played this trick. 

Once some jokers induced Narsi Mehta to 
write a hundi for certain Vairagis, who went with 
it to Dvaraka, but were, after a great deal of 
searching, disappointed in their inquiries after the 
banker to whom the hundi was addressed, and 
they began to revile Narsi, when, lo, a banker 
made his appearance, accompanied by two clerks, 
from the invisible world, and having taken the 
hundi from the Vairagis counted out ready money 
to them. 

In spite of beholding so many evident miracles. 
Raja MandaUka prohibited Narsi Mehta from 
propagating the Vaishnava sect ; but, not being 
able to obtain compliance, he convoked a meet- 
ing of Sanyasis, who sever all connections, and 
utter no other formula except ** He is one and 
has no partner," as well as of Veda reading 
Brahman s, to decide the controversy. The 
Sanyasis opened the meeting with the declaration 
of the unity, the adoration, and praise of the god, 
who exists, from all eternity, and said, * ' Listen 
to the words of truth, and abandon the path of 
Vaishnava; ifyoupay not attention to it, you will 
at last hear what no one has ever heard. Aban- 
don the worship of idols, the playing on musical 
instruments, singing poems, and the praise of 


love and beauty, which lead carnal men into 
error." Narsi Mehta, however, replied : — 
Distich : — 

" Each tribe its way, its faith and Qebla has. 
To rosy cheeks my worship I address. 

The way of lovers is unknown to angels, then 
what will be the case with you ? O ye wearers of 
red rags, who retail nonsense, are emaciated by 
poverty and distress, and who have learnt nothing 
beyond sitting in deserted places and smearing 
yourselves with loam, what can you know about 
the pleasures and ecstasies of image-worship ? 
Distich : — <] 

" Reflex of the Friend's face we see in cups ! 
O ye who do not know the bliss of wine ! 

What will these conversations about the Ve- 
diinta and arguments from the law avail you 
against those who are plunged in corporeal de- 
lights and carnal pleasures ? 

Distich : — 

** That bitter drink the Sofi wicked calls 

More sweetness gives to us than virgins' kisses." 

By degrees the controversy went beyond mere 
words, and the disputants caught hold of each 
other's throats and hair, and Raja Mandalika 
t^xclaimed, '* What profit is there in this use- 
loss talk ? If Ilazrat Daraodar Rai, whom this 
XAgar worships, stone as he is, will take off from 
his own neck a flower-garland and give it to thi» 
NAgar, we will leave him to hi^ own ways; but 


if not, he is to be killed." Narsi Mehta was 
brought to the idol of Damodar Rai, whom he 
immediately began fervently to address, in fear of 
his life and of his honour, but at first ineffectu- 
ally, because some delay had taken place in the be- 
stowal of the garland. The reason was that Narsi 
had pledged the Rag Keddrd, which he was to 
have sung for Damodar Rai, to the Mehta 
Dharanidas in the Qasba of Talaj^ for eighty 
rupees, and therefore could not sing it on the 
present occasion. The Father of all goodness 
and succour of the needy was so bountiful as to 
assume the form of the debtor, i.e. of Mehta 
Narsi, and to pay the above-mentioned amount to 
the creditor, in return for which he received the 
bond, which he threw from the sky in the presence 
of the whole meeting, whereupon Narsi Mehta 
immediately began to sing the Rag Keddrdy and 
obtained the garland of flowers, which the idol 
put upon Narsi. Some of the revilers became 
black in the face, whilst others felt their cheeks 
slapped. Mehta Narsi obtained the garland in 
Samvat 1512, and for the crime of insulting so 
innocent a worshipper of the gx)d the Mandalika 
dynasty lost the throne for ever. 

It is related that a Naghi Charani, who was 
a modest woman, dwelt in the village of Moniyi, 
in the parganah of Bagasara and taluka of Juna- 
gadh, in a virtuous and retired manner. Baja 
Mandalika, who had heard of the beauty of her 
fion Nagajan's wife, betook himself to the chase 


of that gazelle- eyed maiden. This Charani girl 
rose to see the Raja pass, but when he caught 
sight of the unveiled countenance of that fairy 
he removed the curtain of modesty from his 
own heart, and, obeying his lust and passion, 
attempted to place his hand on her breast, but 
she guessed his intention, and, turning away her 
face, cursed him saying, " The bride of your 
prosperity will turn from you as I do now, and 
will associate you with Musulman Padishahs ;" 
and this was the second cause why Maharaja 
Mandalika lost the throne. 
Distich : — 

Wherefore attach your heart to this world's beauty ? 

Of a thousand bridegrooms the bride she is. 

It is said that Jamial the Darvaish,'''' whose takia 
or chapel is on the mountain, was present when 
this affair of the Naghi Charani took place. The 
duration of hi^ reign was forty years ; and for 1 28 
years after Maharaja Mandalika, till the reign of 
Sultan Akbar,his descendants sometimes prospered 
and sometimes did not; sometimes they were 
conquered, at other times they were conquerors 
and reigned ; at last, however, they obtained 
Chorvad, Kesod, and other places as jdgirs^ 
and became entirely tributary. Their names are 
here given : — 

Raja Bhupat Singh bin Makdaltka 

Became Raja in Samvat 1529 [1528]. The 

* This is Jamial ShAh, whose shrine is on the DAt&r 
at Jun4gadh. 



Sultan kept him as AJagirddr at Junagadh, but 
the Thanahdar on behalf of the Padishah was 
Tatar Khan bin Zafar Khan, the adopted son of 
Saltan Muhammad, and he levied the saldmi 
(land-tax). The reign of Bhupat Sing lasted 
31 years. Mirza Khalil likewise beat the drum 
of dominion, and founded the place Khalilpur, 
near Junagadh. 

RAja Khengar, son of Raja Bhupat Singh, 

He began to reign in Saiiivat 1.560, and his 
raj lated 22 years and 4 months ; and the Tbanah- 
dars of the Padishah were Malik Ayaz and 
Tatar Khan Ghori, who collected the saldmi. 

RAja Naughan, son of KhengIr. 

He became Raja in Sam vat 1581, and his rdj 
lasted 28 years 1 1 months and 20 days ; Sayyid 
Kasam and Mujahid Khan Behhm were the 
Fadishahi Thanahdars. 

RAja Sri Singh, son of Naughan. 

He became Raja in Samvat 1608, and his rdj 
lasted 34 years 1 month and 10 days. Khan 
Azam Kokaltash, who became the Subahdar of 
Ahmadabad in place of Khan Khanan, conquer- 
ed Junagadh in Samvat 1633. 

Raja Khengar, son of Sri Singh. 

He became Raja in Samvat 1642- In his time 
Sultan Mahmud and Bahadur Shah Gu- 
jarati often came and sojourned at Junagadh. 
In aid of Sultan ' Muz af far Gujarati this 


Raja raised confusion in Gujarat in 1647. That 
vShali bestowed Junagadh in jdgir on Amin 
Klifm, son of Tatar Khan Ghori, Thanahdar of 
Junagadh, but he rebelled, whereupon Fateh Khan 
Shirwani brought an army on the part of Mirza 
Khan, son of Bahram Khan, who had the title 
of Khan Khanan, and plundered the town of 
Junagadh in Sarhvat 1633 ; but Fateh Khan 
himself died, while Amin Khan remained safe 
under the protection of the fortress, which was, 
however, after the death of Fateh Khan, besieged 
by Khan Khanan, who led an army against it 
and erected batteries, but being nnsuccessful he 
raised the siege and went to beleagner Mangrol. 
Hereupon Amin Khan sallied forth from the fort, 
and asking aid from Jam Satarsal marched to 
give battle ; on this Mirza Khan raised the siege, 
and went forward and ravaged the Kodinar dis- 
trict, but his elephants were captured and carried 
off by Jam Satarsfd's army. Amin KhSn bin 
Tatar Khan, and the untrustworthy Itimad Khan, 
and the hapless Daulat Khan, had, in spite of 
their accepting a bribe of two lakhs of Jamis 
from Sultan Akbar, resolved to join Muzaffar Shah 
and Khengar. They now summoned Jam Sataji 
from Nagar to their aid, and rewarded him with 
thirty-six villages, as will be related in the chro- 
nicles of Nagar. The reign of Khengar lasted 
for 22 years, and TatarKhan was for thir- 
teen years the imperial thanahdar, together with 
the Chudasama Rais. 


Note. — On the Chuddsamd Dynasty. 

The reigns of the first four kings beginning with 
Navaghana I. extend over 151 years, and then a 
blank occurs of 22 years between Navaghana II. and 
his successor MandaUka I. Otherwise the list is pretty 
consistent, and gains support from the inscription 
on Mount Girnar. I give it, corrected by the inscrip- 
tion, for what it is worth, inserting such additions 
from other sources, and conjectural corrections in th& 
dates, as seem required. These corrections are applied 
only to the dates when converted into a.d., and where 
doubtful are marked with a (?). 

MS. dates, Probable 


Samyat. date, a.d. 

~ 904 ? Ra Dyas or DydchE, the third ia 

descent from RS; Gariyo, the grandson 
of R^ Chudachand, and first of the 
Chudasamas of Junagadh. Ra Dyas 
was defeated and slain by the king of 
Pattan, S. 874 (? 917 a.d.) {Ind, Ant. 
vol. II. pp. 3125^.) Some copies give 
S. S74 as the date of Naughan's acces- 
sion, and allow 42 years for his reign. 
Tod {Travels, p. 469), counting Chu- 
dachand as the fortieth prince before 
his own time, and the eighth before 
Jam Unad, whom he places in S. 1110, 
assumes that Chudachand must have 
lived about S. 960. Very little depend- 
ence, however, can be placed on such 
a computation. He says he was con- 
temporary with Ram Kamar, the four- 
teenth prince of Ghumli. 
894 937 ? Navaghana op Naughan, his soiy 

128 UOTB ON 

MS. dAtes, Probable 
Sam vat. date, a.d. 

invaded Sindh and defeated " Hamir/' 
the Sumarft prince (S. P90). 
916 969 ? Khang^r, his son, killed at BagasarA 
by the Anhilv&dfi, R&ja (possibly by 
Mular&ja, who ruled from a.d. 942 to 
996, and defeated "Graharipu the 
Ahir" of Vanthali). 
962 968 ? Mular&jft, " son of Khang&r'* (per- 
haps of Anhilv&da) . 
1009 992? Navaghana II., his son, " ruled for 

38 (18 ?) years.'** 
1 078 102 1 ? M a n d a 1 i k a, son of Navaghana, 
joined Bhima Deva of Gujar&t in pur- 
suit of Mahmtid of Ghazni, S. 1080, 
A.H. 414. 
1095 1038 Hamir Deva, son of Mandalika, 13 

1108 1051 Vijayap^la, son of Hamiradeva. 
1162 1085? Navaghana III., subdued the R&ja 

of Umet&, 
— 1 107 ? Khang&ra II., slain by Siddhar&ja 

• Some copies give — - 

1047 A.D. JakhrA as successor of MularAja. 

... „ Gunarflja ( f KunarAja). 

1076 „ Mandalika. 

Is it possible that these reigns should be arranged 

6- 952, A.D. 895 Mular^ja, 86 years. 

988 931 JakhrA, 21 „ 

1009 052 Naughan, II. 38 „ 

1047 990 Gunar^ja, 31 „ 

1078 1021 Mandalika, 17 „ 


MS. dates, Probable 
Sam vat. data, a.d. 

Jay^simha of AnhiMda {Rds Mdld^ 
vol. I. pp. 154flF. omitted by Amarji). 

1184 1127 Maadalika II., 11 years. 

1195 1 138 AlaDsimba, 14 years. 

1209 1152 Gaiiesa or Dhanesa, 5 years. 

1214 1157 Navaghana or Naughan IV,, 9 

1224 1 167 Khangara III., 46 years. 

1270 1213 Maadalika III., son of Khang&ra 
III. (mentioned in the Girn&r inscrip- 
tion, 1.'9), 22 years. 
— 1235 ? Navaghana or Naughana V.* 

1302 1245 Mahip41adeva(E& Knvat), 34 
years, built a temple at Soman&th 
Pat tan. 

1336 1279 Kbangara IV., bis son,' repaired 
the temple of Somanatb, conquered 
Div, &c. Shams Kh&n took Jun&gadb. 

1390 1333 Jayasimhadeva, son of Khangdra 
IV., 11} years, and subdued 84 petty 

* Amarji omits Naughana after Mandalika, to whom 
he assigns a reign of 22 years 3| months, beginning in S. 
1270, and then makes Mahip^la's reign begin in S. 1303, 
leaving 10 years nnaccomited for, or about the same 
time as Navaghan IV. reigned. 

t This Jayasimhadeva is mentioned in the 6im&r 
inscription in such a way as to suggest to Dr. Biihler and 
Kinloch Forbes that Siddharfija Jayasiriiha of Gujar&t, 
who slew R& KhangAra the son of Naughan, in the early 


MS. dates, Probable 
Saiuvat. date, a.d. 

1402 1345 Mugatsimba or M o k a la s i mh a, 

son of Jayasirhha, 14 years. 

1416 1359 Melak Deva, sonof Mugat- 

sinba, saved JhS<ld Krishn^ji, who 
sought his protection from the 
Yavana Muslims, 

1421 1371 Mahtp&ladeva II. or Ma- 

dhupat, married Kuntd, daughter 
of Arjuna the son of Bhimdji. 
Ai'juna was succeeded, by D Ada va- 
nish ( ? Dtlda of Sathi). 

1439 1376* M a n d a I i k a IV., son of Maht- 

paladeva, defeated Sangana of 

part of the twelfth century, is meant. If this were 
the case, Amarji's chronology would be useless;— an 
interval of 200 years would occur between Siddhar&ja 
Jayasimha (d. 1 14'2 a.d.) and his successor Mokalasimha 
or Magatsiihha 1345 a.d. 

* Amarji gives the throe successors of Mugatsimha in 
the order — Madhupat, 5 years (S. 1416-1421) ; Manda- 
lika, 17i years (S. 1421-1439) ; and Mclakdeva, 
his illegitimate brother, 12 years (S. 1439-1460). This 
he probably derivedfrom an inscription (of S. 1473) at 
the Re vatikunda, which gives the genealogy thus: — 
Mandalikalll, ; his son Mahlp/ila ; his son Khang&ra IV.; 
his son Jayasirhha ; his son Mugatsimha ; his sons Man- 
dalika and Melak ; and Jaj^asirfaha, son of Melak. 
The chronology in the text is confirmed by the Manda- 
lika K6.vya, I have allowed the dates S. 1421 and 1439 
to stand, but probably they should b© altered to 14Sd 
and 1433. 


MS. dates, Probable 
SaDivat. date, a.d. 

1450 13.93 Jayasiiiihadeva II. (apparently " the 
Rai of Jehrend" or " Jiran" mentioaed 
by Firishtah* as defeated by MuzafFar 
Khan of Gujarat in a.d. 1411). He is 
said to have taken Zanjirah (Jbinjhira? ) 
from the Muhammadans. 
1469 1412 Khangara V. ; war with Ahmad 

1489 1432 Mandalika V. restored the Upar- 
kot in S. 1507 ; subdued by Mahmtld 
Begarhain a.d. 1469-70.1 
After their subjugation to the Ahmadabad kings 
the dynasty seems to have been preserved as tributary 
Jaghirdars for another century ; the list of these 
princes stands thus : — 

A.D. 1472, Bhupat, cousin of Mandalika V., 32 years. 
„ 1503, Khangara VI., son of Bhupat, 22 years. 
1 524, Naughana VI., son of Khangara, 26 years. 
1551, Sri Simha, 35 years ; Gujarat subdued by 

1585, Khangara VII., till about 1609. 
Governors on behalf of the PadishIhs of 


Naurang Khan ruled two years, Sayyid 
Kasam three years, Bhaya Mandar§ three years, 

* Brigga's Translation of Firishtah^ vol. IV. pp. 5, 6 ; 
conf. Forbes, Ras M&IA, vol. I. p. 328. 

t Briggs, ibid, pp. 17, 20. 

J Ibid. pp. 62-66 ; the inscription over the gate of 
the Uparkot is dated S. 1507, but has been badly used 
by the Muhammadans. 

§ Maudaa or Mandai according to some editions. 




Baja Rdisingh, Abdullah Khan one year, and 
Tatar Khan Lodi thirteen years. Isa Tar B^ian 
became in Saihvat 168/ the Mutasaddi of this 
glorious country, Junagadh, and built the town 
wall in 1690. The Sayyids, the Kazis, the Mo- 
mans and Bohras were introduced by SuH^n 
Mahmud. Isa Tar Khan governed for ten years, 
and in his time the English established them- 
selves in H u g 1 i. 

MirzaKhurra m* ruled the first time for 
three years ; Kutb-al-din Khan Kakar one year ; 
Bhovaldas one year ; Kamran Beg two years ; 
Abu'l Kasim one year ; Sardar Khan one .year ; 
Mirza Khurram for the second time one 
year ; Sadu*-llah Khan eight years, Bagi Khan one 
year; Jahangir Kuli Khan one year; Behram Khan 
one year ; Amir Khan one year ; Saleh Tar Khan 
two years.; Shams Khsin and Kutb-al-din Khan 
one year ; the Shahzadah Murad Bakhsh two 
years ; Muhammad Khan one year ; Sardar Kh^n 
fifteen years. He was of a noble disposition, and 
laid out the Sardarbagh in the west of Junugadlh, 
which contains a harem, a tank, baths, a mosque, 
an idgah, and tombs ; this garden is the mole of 
beauty on the countenance of the town. The 
garden was laid out by Ghori Pir, one of Sardar 
Khan's companions, and for some time — that is, 
till Samvat 1732— Zuhid Khan was Naib on the 
part of Sardar Khan. The date of the Navab 

* Afterwards the emperor Sh£h JahAn, 


Sardar Khan's demise [1 732] is contained in the 

" An unparalleled rose departed from the garden 

of the world." 
If from the words (^^ p ^, the sum of which is 
A.H. 1144, the numerical value of cu 50 be sub- 
tracted, we obtain a.h. 1094, in which the 
Sardarbagh was made, i.e, Samvat 1740. 

Abel Patau governed three years ; Mukim 
Khan three years ; Mirza Khurram for 
the third time four years; Sad'ullah for the 
second time four years ; Kutb-al-din Khan five 
years ; Divan Sakhanand with Muhammad Beg 
five years ; Ja'far Khan one year ; Sardar Khan 
two years ; Sarbuland Khan one year in Samvat 
1763 ; Sherafgan Khan two years ; Pirsaheb and 
Div&n Udyaram one year. He became governor 
in Samvat 1764. Sangaram Singh, the Naib 
of the Maharaja Ajitsingh and Divan Pratap- 
singh, one year ; Navab Yasin Khan and Kar- 
bhari Udyaram one year ; Dilawar Khan and his 
Karbhari Jagatsingh nine months [or three years]; 
Pir Saheb for the second time, and the Shahza- 
dah's Divan, and Kahandas the Vania for the 
second time, two years and three months ; the 
Shahzadah and Divan Mukbil Khan four years 
Ma'sum Beg Khan three years and two months ;* 
Jangli Khan one year ; Kazi x\*bd-al Hamid two 

• Other copies—** twice, but two years in all." 




years ; he required every night several women, 
and took forcible possession of the village of 
Mendarda. In this manner during 106 years the 
governors who came from the Shahs of Gujarat 
and Dehli spent their time dishonourably, Jike owls 
in a wilderness, and did nothing worthy of record. 

A sad Kuli Khan was the Mutasaddi of Junagadh 
in Saihvat 1778, who plundered the country, and 
he kept also Sal a bat KhanBabi and S h e r 
Khan B a b i as his Naibs ; and Sharfud'din 
was his treasurer. In his time Shujaat Khan 
arrived in this zilla from Gujarat to collect the 
peshkash* His government lasted six years. 

Ghulam Mahyau'd-din Khan, after the demise 
of his father, was appointed by the cabinet of 
Sultan Muhammad Shah to be Foujdar of Juna- 
gadh, in Sam vat 1784 ; he on his part also made 
the above-mentioned Salabat Muhammad 
B a b i his Naib, who governed personally for a 
while, and then left his son Sher Khan, sur- 
named B a h a d u r K h a n, as his deputy, and 
went to Ahmadabad. Sher Khan obtained the 
ijdrah or farm of the revenues of Junagadh, for 
the sum of eighty thousand rupees, from Ghulam 

In Samvat 17S5 [1789] Mubariz-al-mulk, sur- 
named Sarbuland Khan, accompanied by Sher 
Khan, arrived with an army and took the fort 
of Madhavpur ; in this fight Ranchoddas Nagar, 
the Thanahdar of the Rana Vikamdtji, was slain 
after a brave resistance, and the idol of Parasnath 


taken away, but afterwards ransomed for 40,i300 
Jarais [kodis]. In Saihvat 1787 Salabat Jlu- 
hammad Babi departed this life, and in the 
same year Sher Khan, surnamed Bahadur Khan, 
was removed, and Mir Ismail was appointed in his 
stead by Ghulam Mahyau'd-din ; Pilaji Gaikvad 
also came the same year with an army to Sorath. 
In Sam vat 1 789 Mir Fakhr-al-din came with an 
army to take charge of Junagadh as its Foujdar, 
but when he arrived in the plain of Amreli he was 
met and opposed by Mir Ismail and his Divan 
Bhavanidas, a Vaishnava Nagar ; and in that same 
zilla a battle was fought in which Mir Fakhr-al- 
din and Sayyid A' kali Khan were slain after a 
heroic battle ; their camp was plundered, and Mir 
Ismail returned victorious. In the same year 
Ghulam Mahyau'd-din died; his government 
lasted four years. 

Nahr Khan, known as Hazabar Khan, son of 
Asad Kuli Khan, after the demise of his brother 
Ghulam Mahyau'd-din, obtained the sanad of 
Junagadh from Muhammad Shah, and left Mir 
Ismfiil in his former position. One year after this, 
the Navab S o h r a b K h a n, at the behest of 
Maharaja Ajitsingh, the Subah of Ahmadabad, 
ousted Sher Zeman Khan and Diler Khan from 
their jdgir of the port Gogha, and Mir Ismail 
Khan from his post in Junagadh, where, however, 
he still remained as a private person ; but when 
the Navab Sohrab Khan took possession of the 
city he departed by sea to Thatha. Junagadh 


was taken in the year 1790 of the era of 

In Samvat 1792 Sohrab Khan, through Bur- 
hanu'1-mulk, obtained a sanad for Viramg&m 
from the cabinet of the Shah, and went there 
with an army, leaving Sadak 'Ali Khan in 
Junagadh ; but the latter was of so weak a dis- 
position that he allowed robbers to plunder the 
shops of the bazar in broad daylight, and to carry 
off the people as captives. When Sohrab Khan 
went from this place, he was prevented from en- 
tering Viramgam by Ratan Sing Bhandari, and 
by the commander of the troops, Safdar Khan Babi, 
against whom he fought for three days and then 
lost his life, but his maternal uncle lived in Juna- 
gadh for some time longer, in poor circumstances. 

In Samvat 1793 Hazabar Khan again 
arrived with a sanad^ and Siidak 'Ali Khan, bein^ 
degraded from his position in Junagadh, en- 
tered the service of the Navab Momin Khan, 
whom he aided in besieging x\hmadabad ; and, as 
a blood-ransom for Anupsing, who was slain fight- 
ing with Sohrab Khan, his son Bhairavasing 
obtained the parganah of Upleta in indm from 
Ahmadabad. In this year Nadir Shah of Iran 
conquered Muhammad Shah and plundered Dehli. 

When Hazabar Khan arrived for the second 
time, he left Mir Dost A*li as his Naib in Juna- 
gadh ; and the latter, being perplexed how to pay 
the sipdhis, sent for Bahadur Khan Babi, who 
was ruling the port of Gogha on behalf of the 


Navab Momin Khin, and surrendered to him 
the Subah of JunAgadh without anj further ado 
in Saihvat 1794. 
Distich : — 

Whatever is decreed must you befall ; 

Unwilling though you be. force you it will ! 

As good luck would have it, Hazabar Khan 
in that very year disappeared like a fox into the 
obscurity of destruction at Dehli. 

NavAb SIheb Bahadur KhIn Babi 

Was the son of Salabat Khan, who was the son 
of Safdar Khan, who was the son of Jafar Khan,* 
who was the son of Sher Khan, the son of Baha- 
dur Khiiu Babi. As the author was in the service of 
this family, he conceived it incumbent upon him- 
self to give some account of it. 

Bahadur Khan Babi the Afghan was for 
a long time at the court of the emperor Shah Jahan, 
and became a favourite on account of his affable 
manners, his bravery, and bis good family. He 
was presented with Sijdgir in Gujarat, and when the 
star ofhis prosperity began to rise he obtained ad- 
vancement from the governors and high officials 
of Ahmadabad. He farmed the revenues of the 
parganahs of Kardi, Viramgam, Bijapur, and other 
mahals several times, sometimes from the Shahi 
or imperial Subadars, and sometimes from the 
Sarkars of the Srimant Peshva and the 
Gaikvad on his own responsibility ; he used also 

* This is an error of Divfin Eanchodji's, as Safdar 
Khin and J^&r Kh4n are the same perdon. 


to precede the army which came from Ahmad4b&d 
to receive the peshkaah or tribute, and to stand 
security for the payments which the zamindars of 
Gujarat and Soratha had to make ; and some time 
afterwards the Maharaja Ajitsingh, who was ap- 
pointed to the Subahdari of Ahmadabad, bestowed 
upon him the the title of Bahadur, and Sarbuland 
Khan bestowed on him the title of Khan. In 
Samvat 1799 Kumfil-al-din Khan BAbi was ap- 
pointed Naib of Ahmadabad, first on behalf of 
Makbul A 'a lam, and afterwards on the part of 
Fakhr-al-daulah (* Boast of the monarchy*), who 
was in reality Kharr-al-daula (' Ass of the mo- 
narchy') ; he governed ten years at Ahmadabad, 
and in Saihvat 1810 received the ^a^/r* of Kheda, 
Wadasinor,* and Gogha from the Srimant Saheb 
Peshva and from the Gaikvad. From the Sarkar 
of the Srimant Peshva and from the Huzi^r of 
Balaji Rao and Dtimaji Gaikvad, when they took 
possession of Ahmadabad, he also obtained the 
following nine places: — Piranpattan, Vadnagar, 
Visalnagar, Munjpur, Tharad, Kheralu, Bijapiir, 
Sami. In course of time Pafctan, Vadnagar, 
Visalnagar, and Bijapur were again taken, and 
Damaji Gaikvad Shamsher Bahadur besieged 
Visalnagar for a year and a half till he was able 
to retake it, at which time Zoravar Khan was 
slain, in Samvat 1819. 

Salabat Muhammad KhanBabi died 

* BfiUsinor, in the Bew& E&n^ha. 


in Samvat 1787, and in the same year Bahadur 
Khan was dismissed from Junagadh ; in that year 
also Pilaji Gaikvad came with his troops to col- 
lect the jamd! bandi or tribute of Soratha, but they 
remained for two years in Junagadh waiting for 
the payment of the chauth (fourth part of the 
revenue). By means of the intervention of Raja 
Vakhatsingh, the brother of the Maharaja, Sher 
Khan, surnamed Bahadur Khan,^ was ad- 
mitted to pay his respects to the Maharaja Ajit- 
singh, and presented him with an elephant, several 
horses, money, and dresses of honour, as a nazavy 
and was confirmed in his hereditary jdgir, and 
obtained a sanad for the jdgirddri of Morbi, the 
title of Bahadur, earrings, and a yellow flag. In 
the second year he obtained from the Maharaja 
Ajitsing the Foujdarship of the country of Baroda 
in partnership with Sarbuland Khan; but 
in course of time he was lucky enough to obtain^ 
without the least trouble, the government of Juna- 
gadh from Mir Dost ' Ali, and then Bahadur Khan 
afterwards again returned to the country of Gujarat, 
where he was duly honoured by the authorities 
of the period ; but, as this recital chiefly concerns 
the history of Junagadh, it is not expedient to 
give more details about Gujarat. 

In former times Mir Dost 'Ali Khan and Sadak 
'Ali Khan were joint rulers of Junagadh, but 
could not manage the afl^airs of the State ; for 
this reason the ryats and Desais sent Dalpatram, 
a Gujarati Nagar, whom the Navab Bahadur 


KhAn had formerly brought from Vad&sinor to 
Junagadh, for the purpose of recalling the above- 
named Navab from Baroda, which had fallen into 
the hands of the Gaikvad ; accordingly the said 
Navab left his son Sardar Khan at Yadasinor 
{i.e. Balasinor) and came to Junagadh. In the 
same year the adopted son of Umabai, wife of the 
Senapati Khanderao, arrived with an army of 
twenty thousand men in Soratha for the purpose 
of collecting the tribute. The Navab Bahadur 
Khan brought with him from Baroda Muham- 
mad 'Ali Khan, 'Abdullah Khkn Patani, Farid 
Khan Karani, and Buli Khan Yusufzai, Kames- 
vara Pant, Karsanchand Bakhshi, Pitambar Modi, 
and Gulabrai Nagar. 

In Samvat 1802 the army of Pilaji Gaikvad 
arrived with the intention of conquering Juna- 
gadh, and encamped near the town in a garden 
called the Tarvadi. Navab Bahadur Khan, see- 
ing no other expedient but to make peace, managed 
by the stratagems of Mohanlal Jikar, a NAgar, 
who was the Aristotle of the period, and whom 
he appointed his vakil for the occasion, to get 
the army sent off by flattery, and by presenting 
a nazardnah of gold and a dress of honour of 
small value. 

In Samvat 1803 KAnoji, taking with him 
Fakhr-al-daula for a make-believe, besieged the 
fort of V a n t h a 1 i, under JunAgadh, but departed 
without having been able to take it ; neverthe- 
less Fakhr-al-daulah, by way of boast (fakhr). 


got golden keys prepared, and sent them with a 
nazardnah of twenty-one ashrafts to the exalted 
court of the Shah of Dehli, with the message 
that they were the keys of the fort, and after 
this confusion had been quelled the Navab 
went to Gujarat. 

On the 3rd Chaitra Vad of Sainvat 1804 the 
Divan Dalpatram succeeded in expelling from 
the town Vasantrai Purbhia, who was a foreigner 
but had obtained a footing in the town by em- 
ploying a number of Arabs who plundered right 
and left. After his expulsion he became the 
companion of the robber Mansia Khant, and 
with him and a number of others made a night 
attack on and captured the fort of Uparkot, 
which had at that time no chauki, and thence 
these people used to sally out and plunder 
the whole neighbourhood ; these depredations 
they carried on for thirteen months, but at last 
departed after a great deal of fighting. About 
this time also the Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan 
arrived in Junagadh, and two years afterwards 
Divan Dalpatram departed this life. Because his 
sons were ignorant, Jagannatha Jhala, a Nagar 
who was at first the Peshkar or manager for Dal- 
patrAm, and also the Vakil of the Arabs, carried 
on his government business also after his demise, 
with the aid of Sheikh 'Abdulla, who kept 
possession of the fort of Uparkot. When the 
latter demanded his arrears of pay, the Navab 
Saheb came to the determination of crushing him ; 


accordingly he allured Jagannatha to his party 
hy prospects of gain, and by the promise to ap- 
point him Divan in case he defeated the Arabs. 
Accordingly, when the Navab and Jagannatha 
proceeded with the army to Kathiavad to collect 
the jama^handi tax, Rudraji, the brother of 
Jagannatha, managed to carry away from the 
fort of Uparkofc the gunpowder and ammunition 
the Arabs trusted to in case of war, on pre- 
tence that it was old and useless for that 
purpose, and that therefore it ought to be sold 
and a fresh store bought in lieu of it ; then he sent 
information to the army, and when the whole 
world was lulled to sleep in the citadel of dark- 
ness the Navab Saheb left the camp with Jagan- 
natha, entered the town, approached the Upar- 
kot, laid siege to it, and caused the Arabs outside 
[of the Navab' s party] to place ladders against 
the wall, dig a mine, and attack the Arabs who 
were within the fort, and after some fighting a 
compromise was made with Sheikh A'bdulla 
Zubaidi and others by pledging the village of 
Dhoraji to Jadeja Kumbhaji of Gondal and 
obtaining money from him, which being paid to 
the Arabs they departed from the town in Samvat 
1810, but the Navab Bahadur Khan 
died on the 2r)th of the month Bhadarava in 
Samvat 1814, after having reigned thiriy-six 
years in Junagadh, reckoning from the beginning 
of his appointment as the Naib of Asad ('All) 
Kuli Kh^n and of Ghulam Mahyau'd-din Kh&n. 



When tbeNavab Saheb Mahabat 
Khan, after the demise of his father, perceived 
that the Divan Jagannatha Jhala, v^ho had accu- 
mulated some property, and acted according to his 
own v^ill in everything, he was displeased, and had 
him assassinated in the night by a negro slave or 
the name of Ballal, near the Manjavadi gate, 
where the Gaikv&d's army was encamped, and 
where Jagannatha was staying in a tent to keep 
an eye on the chauki. After that, his house was 
attacked, and at the instance of Jadeja Kumbbaji, 
Jamadar Radvi Khan Rehen Dholkiyah, and of 
Sayyid Khalafshah, who offered themselves as 
bail, his brother Rudraji was allowed to depart 
safely to Purbandar with the family and property, 
and did not return to his country until a long 
time afterwards, through the intervention of the 
Divanji Saheb Amarji, and on paying a small 
amount of money as nazardnah. After that 
Somji Jikar became Divan, and after him Dayal 
the Vania, and again Somji Jikar ; but they were 
not liked, and obtained no firm footing. 

In Saihvat 1810 the news arrived that the fort 
of the bandar of S u r a t had been taken from 
Ahmad Khan and Sidi Masu'd by Captain Austin 
Shore under the command of. General Butcher, 
and also that the English had by force occupied 
and taken from Suraju'd-daula a portion of Orissa, 
the Subiih of Bihar, and the Subah of Bengal ; 
and from Asafu'd-daula, governor of Oudh, the 
zilU of Banaras or Kaii ; lastly, that Shah A'alam 


had bestowed the title of Divan on the English 

In Saifavat 1818 Ahmad Shah Abd'ali fought 
with an innumerable army of Marathas and de- 
feated it.* The total amount slain was nearly two 
l^khs, and among the killed were many Sardars 
of Holkar, Sindhia, the Bhonsla, and of the Gaik- 
vad. Some fled and some were made prisoners ; 
the latter met their death by being blown from 
cannon, and consisted not only of men, but also 
of females and children. 

Captivity of the Navab Saheb M ahIbat 


In Saravat 1818 the Jamadar of the Arabs> 
Basalman by name, imprisoned the Navab Saheb 
Mahabat Khan in the Uparkot, with the consent 
of the Bibi Sahebah Sultan (the wife of the 
Navab Bahadur Khanji), and made Muzaffar 
Khan bin Jafar Khan Navab of Junagadh. 
"When the Navab Kamalu'd-din Khan, who was 
the uncle of Mahabat Khan, heard of this, he 
brought an army from Piran Patau under the 
pretence of liberating him, but in reality to 
give Junagadh, in case he should be able to get 
it, to his own son Ghazi-al-dln Khan, and to 
convey Mahabat Khan to RAdhanpur. Accord- 
ingly he brought his troops during the night 
under the fort walls, which they attempted to 
scale by means of ladders ; but by the watchful- 
ness of the chaukiddrs, and the good fortune of 

* The great battle of Panipat. 

A _ A A 


the Navab Saheb Mahabat Khan, being unable to 
effect an entrance, and when the sun at dawn, the 
world's illuminating commander-in-chief, popped 
out his head from the citadel of the azure sky, 
the soldiers were put to flight and retired with 
shame. When Sadasiv Panda Nagar, uncle of 
the author, was made aware of this futile attempt 
of Kamalu'd-din Khan, he became cooler in his 
partizanship, and the Navab Kamalu'd-din, seeing 
himself discomfited, beat the drum of departure 
in his disappointment. 

After the army had marched about two stages 
from Junagadh, Kumbhaji Jadeja and other Za- 
mindars, through the intervention of Sivadas 
Panda, made an arrangement with Suliman the 
Jama'dar, so that he released the Navab Saheb 
Mahabat Khan from captivity, and the following 
arrangements were made : — The two brothers 
Muzaffar Khan and Fathyab Khdn 
obtained the jdgir of Ranpur and Dhandhusar 
with eighty-four villages as an indm on their aban- 
donment of all claims to participate in the raj. 
The parganah Upleta was [for the sum of 35,000 
Jamis {kodis) given as a bribe to the agents} 
bestowed upon Kumbhaji for a yearly peshkash 
of 5000 Jamis (kodu). During two years Dayal 
the VaEiia became Karbhari twice, and was also 
removed twice. 

The Navab Saheb Mahabat Khanji used to 
plunder the surrounding country of Kafchiavad in 
order to maintain himself and to pay his troops ; 


in several talukas he collected a YmMejama* handi 
illegallj. When he was pressed to pay his army, 
he used to flee with a select party of friends to 
the town under the shelter of night, to which he 
was tracked by the helpless sipdMs, who were in 
a destitute condition from not having received 
any pay ; but he generally expelled them with 
threats and by force from the town, in order ta 
relieve them from the trouble of wandering about 
and from the misery of service, and to compel 
them to return to their homes, where they 
might take rest with their children ; this went on 
imtilMevalal bin Jagjivandas bin 
Sadanand, a Eayath from Gujarat, became 
Divan, who, like his brother 6ivalal, used to tii&ke 
a living as a munshi. He was a man who wrote 
a pleasing hand, had agreeable manners, and 
dressed well ; and about this time Sher-zaman 
Khan Babi, the unde of the Navab Saheb, who 
had formerly been expelled by Sohrab Khan 
from Gogha, and who had been reinstalled there 
and had come to Junagadh and received injdgir 
from the Navab Saheb the eighty-four villages 
of the Bant V a parganah, carried on the business 
of Karbhari for about two years. 


S u 1 U n B i b i, sister of Navab Bahadur Kh&n, 
and spouse of Shahamat Khan Babi, who had 
taken possession of V e r a v a 1, was forcibly de- 
prived thereof by Kazi Sheikh Miylln and by M&lik 
Shabab-al-din, and Sheikh Miy^ ruled there with 


entire authority, and concluded a covenant of peace 
and friendship \vith Desai Sundarji and other 
N a gars. 

The DivInship of DivInji Saheb Amarji. 

At the age of eighteen years Amarji left 
M a n g r o 1 and went in search of service to the 
court of the Navab Saheb Mahabat Khanji, who 
was at that time besieging the fort of Uparkot, 
where the Arabs had taken refuge. The Navab 
Saheb said to Amarji, '* If you could obtain pos- 
session of the Vagesvari gate, which is in the pos- 
session of the Arabs of the fort, and could surren- 
der it to the officials of the Sarkar, you would 
establish a claim to enter my service." According- 
ly he went to Purbandar, whence he brought an 
Arab Jamadar named Salman with a number of 
other Arabs, but as the Navab Saheb would not 
allow them to enter the town they remained out- 
side, but assaulted the Vagesvari gate in the 
night, slew some of its defenders, and finally 
handed it over to the servants of the Navab 
Saheb, whereupon the entire party was engaged 
to remain at the court, and they discharged well 
and ably whatever service was entrusted to 
them. Two years had not yet elapsed when the 
Divanji Saheb conceived the idea of subjugating 
V e r a V a 1. Keeping a portion of the army with 
the Navab Saheb at A d r i, two kos from Veraval, 
Amarji, when the moon with her army of stars 
was ascending by means of the scaling ladders 


of degrees to the citadel of the firmament, pro- 
ceeded to Veraval in the company of the Jama- 
dar, 'Ahdu*lla Khan, and others, and planted their 
standard on the wall on the west of the town, and 
fell on the garrison suddenly like a calamity from 
heaven, and made them food for the sword. After 
that they attacked four or five hundred Arahs who 
were in the thdnah, whom they put to flight ; then 
Jamadar Wahdiu'd-din entered the town with a 
detachment of Sindhis from the seaside, and great 
bloodshed took place, so that the conquered party 
lost heart, and, not caring for their honour, fled 
with Shekh Jahangir and Shekh Mian, and arriv. 
ed safely at PattanDiv, but Sundarji Des^t 
with his adherents was captured. In the morning 
the news of the conquest of the fort was conveyed 
to the Nav^b Saheb, who entered it with the joy- 
ful sounds of the kettle>drum, and the populace 
came out to welcome him. On this occasion 
Divanji Saheb, the deceased Amarji, father of the 
author, succeeded in preserving the honour of the 
ladies of Sundarji Desai from the NavAb Saheb, 
who was addicted to pleasure. The Divanji Saheb 
was not employed in the (mvlaki) revenue and 
judicial branch, but merely superintended the 
(favjddri) army administration of the state. Ac- 
cording to the freaks of the times, P o p a t P &- 
r i k h was Divan for three days, Jhavarchand for 
twenty days, and Mulchand Parikh for one 
month, and their management was so confused 
and ruinous that they abandoned it in disgrace. 


Sher ZamIn KhIn attacks JijnIgadh. 

In Sam vat 1825 Sher Zaman Khan arrived from 
Bantwa, with the vague intention of effecting a 
night surprise, with a company of vagabonds from 
the wilderness of misfortune, and took up a position 
in the Basarat Bagh (a garden near the Majhavadi 
gate). In the morning, when the portal of light 
was opened, and also the town gate was to be 
unlocked, these vagabonds quickly approached it, 
and suddenly met the woodcutters and other 
inhabitants of the country, who were arriving on 
a pilgrimage to Pir Davalshah, who is called 
Maidani ; and when they reached the gate, it 
was shut upon them from within, and the people 
commenced to fight with them, whereupon Sher 
Zaman Khan fled like a gazelle and leaped like a 
hare, from terror and fright, in the direction of 
his own abode. 

Demolition of DilkhIniI. 

In the same year the Kathi Kumpa Wala asked 
for the Divanji's assistance and induced him to 
demolish Dilkhania; and the said place, 
which was an asylum of highway robbers, was 
razed to the ground by the Divanji SAheb Amarji, 
accompanied by the above-named Kathi Kumpa 
WAIh, who was a Grasia of Chitalgam. 

Acquisition of KutianA fort. 

The troops of the Div^n Saheb were still in 
the zilla of Dilkhania when Pir Khan Shirv^ni, 
Bhavata* Khokhar, and other Kasbatis represent. 


ed to him that they had made over the fort of 
K u t i u n a to Hashim Khan Babi, a youDg son of 
the Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan, and that he 
was severely oppressing the inhabitants of the 
country; and that if he should perchance be 
wheedled into parting with the fort to R&n& 
Sultanji, whose Kamdar, Premaji Lohana [Tha- 
kar] would be ready enough to buy strange pro- 
perty, it would be a difficult matter [to retake it]. 

Distich:— A pin can stop the water at its source; 
When full, no elephants can pass it then. 

As soon as he obtained this information the 
Divan immediately marched to K u t i a n 2I, where 
he began to carry on all the operations proper in a 
siege, and soon made use of mines, by which he 
blew a bastion into the air, which destroyed like- 
wise all the chaukiddrs of the garrison. Hashim 
Khan, being thus rendered helpless, sued for 
peace, which was soon concluded ; he lost the 
fort, but obtained in lieu thereof the village of 
Majh^vadi as a Jo^Air. When the Divan conquered 
the fort he installed therein his younger brother 
Govindji [in behalf of the Navab], who remained 
there till his death in Sam vat 1846, after which 
his son Mangalji kept it till Samvat 1849. Having 
terminated this aifair, the Divan again unfurled 
his banners, to proceed on the Mulukgiri expedi* 


VakhatSingRaval, Raja of Bhaunagar» 
called to his aid the Divan^ who being aware that 


it is the duty of goveraors to cherish their subjects, 
responded to the call, and when he arrived at 
Gogha, Vakhat Sing requested him to reduce the 
fort of Talaja. Accordingly he marched in 
person with his soldiers, who succeeded in scaling 
the wall of the fort ; their antagonists, the Kolis, 
however, met them bravely, and severe fighting 
continued for some time, during which there 
was much bloodshed, and the Divanji himself 
was wounded in the leg by a musket-ball ; but 
fortune favoured his party, their opponents were 
unable longer to resist, and were compelled to 
pay a large nazaranah. In course of time the 
fort came into the hands of the English, who 
gave it to Navab Nur-al-dtn, the governor of 
Khambhat, who in his turn sold it to Raval 
Vakhat Sing, ruler of Bhavnagar, for 80,000 
rupees. The Divanji Saheb then returned to 
Junagadh, but, in spite of the station he had 
attained, he did not desire to be addressed by 
the title of Divan ; on this occasion, however, on 
the day of his bathing on recovery he was pre- 
sented with the presents bestowed on a Divan, 
viz., a palanquin, a big drum, sword, dagger with 
golden hilt, chobdar, torches, and the other 


As Shekh MiyanofMangrol excited a 
rebellion and would not submit, the victorious 
standards of the Divanji proceeded against him in 
Sam vat 1827, and the forts of Sil, Divasa, 


Mahiari, and Bagasra were forcibly taken from 
him. In the battle which was fought under the 
fort of S i 1 the horse ridden by the Divanji received 
no less than eleven wounds ; but he himself, by 
the hand of the true Preserver, was kept from all 
harm. After chastising the Thanahdars, the 
Divanji besieged Mangrol, but when the firing of 
his cannon began to take effect, Shekh Miyanlost 
heart, and despatched Jibhai, the paternal uncle 
of the Divanji Saheb, to intercede for him ; thus 
he obtained pardon after surrendering the moiety 
of his parganah [to the Navab]. During the 
same year that mine of virtues Kuvarji, — 
mercy be upon him, — the father of the Divanji 
Saheb Amarji, after becoming a Sany&si (or 
Brahman ascetic) became an inmate of Paradise. 

Liberation of the Mutasadis of 
Kachh Bhuj. 

The Rao Saheb Godji had surrendered 
his Mutasadis (darbar officials) as securities to the 
custody of the Arab and other Jamadars, whose 
salaries he was unable to pay ; but, as the delay 
was long, the A rabs, after exposing them to innu- 
merable calamities, brought them to the district 
of Halar. Their Jama dar, who was an honourable 
man, was so greatly distressed at their insubor- 
dination that he put on his coat of mail and 
threw himself into the river Aji. When the 
Divanji Saheb, who was at that time collecting 
peshkask (tribute) in this zillah heard of it, he, 
for the sake of the honour of the Rao Saheb, paid 


the debt, and released the Mutasadis. In return 
for this handsome act the Rao Saheb for some 
time used to send the Divanji Saheb all sorts 
of presents and gifts. 

Punishment of the Vaghars and MIliIs. 

Crowds of Vaghars were in the frequent 
habit of attacking the troops of the Srimant 
Peshva, of the Gaekvad, and of the Jam, of 
spiking the cannon with iron nails, and of plun- 
dering the regions of Hallar, jhalavad [and 
Kachh] ; accordingly the Divanji reduced them 
to obedience after some fighting, and caused them 
to pay a fine. 

Punishment of the Babrtas and of 
THE Una Qasbatis. 

The B a b r i a s, who subsist on impure food, 
were sallying forth from the shelter of their 
thorn-bushes and- hills to commit depredations 
in the villages of Nagher, Kathiavad, and Walak. 
The army was sent against them ; they stood the 
first shock, but 

Distich : — An antelope which with a lion 

Will soon the earth touch with its face. 

They were soon ground to powder by the hoofs 
of the steeds of the victorious army, and compelled 
to cease from their deeds of rapine, and obliged to 
restore the plunder they had taken, and they 
moreover agreed rfo pay a yearly tribute. When 
the troops marched back, they passed through 


the town of U n a, and the Qasbatis of the place, 
confiding in the strength of their foot and the 
bravery of their men, attacked the artillery 
train, and Poi, the nephew of the author, who 
'was in charge thereof, honourably sacrificed his 
life to preserve the train ; and after hard 
fighting the people consented to pay a fine, and, 
as a security for the disbursement of it, the 
Divanji Saheb carried off the son of Qasb&ti 
Shekh Tahir to Junagndh. 


Jadeja Kumbhaji ofGondal trusted 
much in his wealth and his Rajputs, and enter- 
tained for some time evil designs against Junagadh. 
Accordingly when the Divanji Saheb had left the 
troops to guard the frontiers and had himself 
returned to Junagadh, Kumbhaji called the 
Maratha army of the Gaekvad to his aid, and 
also privately consulted the Navab Saheb of 
Junagadh, who entertained at that time a little 
spite against the authority of the Divanji, the 
breaking down of which, he conceived, would 
increase his awn ; wherefore he considered this a 
good opportunity, and connived with Kumbh&ji, 
who was now encamped at Malashamdi, a 
^village four miles from Junagadh, and was only 
waiting for any encouragement (from the Navab) 
as an excuse for ruining the Divan, attacked the 
army, which fled ; but Jamadar Salmin, not being 
able to mount a horse, was jcaptured by. the 
Marathas, who, however, released him without 


injury. "When the fugitives arrived in Junagadh 
the Navah Saheh loaded them with reproaches, 
but the Divauji Saheb marched with an army 
numerous as locusts, and pitched his camp oppo^ 
site to that of the confederates. Kumbhaji 
now repented, separated from Bamanioji, who 
was the instigator of this evil action, and agreed 
to pay a fine and to restore all the plunder he 
had taken. "When peace was restored, the 
Divanji Saheb, on his return, besieged the fort of 
Chatrasah ; and Bamanioji, its proprietor, after 
paying a large fine in cash and in kind, again 
took the ring of obedience to Junagadh into his 

Imprisonment of the DivInji Saheb with 


Salmin the Arab. 

Certain conspirators, such as Bhim Khojah 
the vegetable seller, Gulabrai Mehta, Khushal 
Rai, Magatram Bhagat, Jagjivan Kikani, and 
other Nagars, caused the Divanji Saheb Amarji, 
with his brothers Dulabji and Govindji, to be 
cast into prison. The Navab Saheb Mahabat 
Khan, owing to the statements of those calum- 
niators, was displeased ; nevertheless he secretly 
honoured the prisoners by his visits and consoled 
them. On the fourth day of Phalgun in Sam vat 
1829 the three persons just mentioned were 
imprisoned, and on the same day Salmin the 
Jamadar, their adherent^ was summoned to the 

^ ji 

156 navIb mahabat khan. 

Rang Mahal (court), under the pretence that as 
Sheik Miyau of Mangrol had taken possession of 
the fort of N a V i, in the parganah of Porbandar, 
and was plundering the parganahs Chorvad and 
Kesoji, his services were required to repel these 
attacks. When he entered the door, slaves jump- 
ed from an ambush and slew him, but his follower 
Sajyid 'Ali Chavush was quick enough to save 
his own life by striking out right and left at the 
slaves of the Sarkar, and escaped. This same 
Chavush rose in course of time at Baroda to the 
dignity of a " sitter on an elephant," but was 
at last trampled to death by being tied to the 
feet of one. The Divanji Saheb was set at liberty 
on the 7th of Sravana Vad, after a captivity of 
five months and three days, on the condition of 
paying a nazaranah of 40,000 Jdmi kodU^ and 
until the payment thereof his eldest son, Raghu. 
nathji, then ten years old, remained as a hostage ; 
the Divanji himself, however, with his family, 
relatives, and followers, departed to the town 
of Jetpur. 

The NavId SIheb marches against 
Mangrol, and recalls the Divanji SIheb. 

As Sheik Miyan was ravaging the country 
with a numerous army, and carrying off men 
and beasts, the Navab Saheb Mahabat Khan 
marched against him, but, being unable to cope 
with his foe, he encamped at a distance of seven 
ko8 from the town and spent his time in recon- 



noitring. He kept the DivAn Raghunathji at his 
court, and entrusted his education to Bibi Sardar 
Bakhta (his favourite wife), the daughter of 
Kumah-al-din Khan, who treated the boy like a 
mother, and who likewise accompanied the 
Navab. In course of time Sheik MiyAn became 
so bold that he not only stole horses and camels, 
but also harassed the army itself, so that no one 
dared to go out of the camp ; and the Navab, 
being thus greatly pressed, called Bhim Khojah 
and the other calumniators into his presence, and 
addressed them as follows : — " The DivAn Amarji, 
the like of whom no potentate ever had in his ser- 
vice, and who augmented the honour of the Darbar. 
of Junagadh, was by you removed from office 
without any fault of his own, and is at present 
living at Jetpur. He has received invitations from 
Kumbhaji of Gondal, from Raval Vakhtsinghji 
of Bhavnagar, from Kathis Bhoka and Kanthad 
of Jetpur, from Rani Sultanji of Porbandar, from 
Meroji of Rajpura, from Lakhaji of Rajkot, from 
Hothiji of Kotra, from Jam Jasaji of Navanagar, 
from Bharaji Jhala of Wankaner, from Waghji 
of Morbi, from Seshaji of Saela, from Raj 
Gajsinghji of Dhrangdhra, from Jhfila Harbham- 
ji of Limbdi, from Jasa Koli of Mahuwa, from 
Sheikh Miyan of Mangrol, from Raizadah Singjiji 
of Chorvad, from Daghoji Raizadah of Kesoj, 
from Mukhtar Khan and Adil Khan of Bantwa^ 
from Muzaffar Khan Babi and Fathyab Khan of 
Ranpur, from Sheikh Tahir of Una, from Sayyid 


Latif of Delvada, from the Faranghi Lewis 
Jhujhu of Divbandar, from Sidi Yaqub of 
Muzaffarabad, from Rao Saheb Godji of Bhuj, 
from Lalubhai of Bharuch, from the Navab of 
Bandar Surat, and from Momin Khan of Kham- 
bhat, all of whom hare sent him letters upon 
letters, presents in money, and kind messages with 
many compliments, and though he has no need of 
me, yet without him the state of Junagadh is 
daily getting worse ; if, therefore, you love your 
lires, you must obey the Divan ji Saheb and imme- 
diately recall him." Having obtained the orders 
of the Navab Saheb, those ill-natured men feigned 
repentance for what they had done, and gladly 
went to Jetpur, where they fell down at the 
blessed feet of the Divan Saheb. 

On the same occasion it happened that agents 
of the Rao Saheb Godji had arrived with rich 
dresses of honour and splendid gifts and an invi- 
tation to the Divanji Saheb to become the Divan 
of Kachh ; they had been there for several days, 
but he gave them leave to depart, and thought 
proper to remember his old service and his duty 
of assisting the Navab in this emergency. Ac- 
cordingly he immediately joined the Navab 
Saheb, who restored to him the Divan Raghu- 
nathji hitherto kept as a hostage, with a handsome 
present, and assigned to him the revenues of twa 
villages for his private expenses. As soon as 
Sheikh Miyan heard of the arrival of the Div&nji 
S4heb, in spite of his bravery his heart failed him 



and he made his appearance with hands bound 
returned the property he had taken, paid a fine, 
and again became a vassal of Junagadh. 

Conquest of SutrIpIdI. 

When the army departed from Mangrol, the 
rayats of the'parganah of P a t a n complained that 
Chand Patani,the Zamindar ofSutrapada, had 
reduced them to the last extremity of destitution. 
After hearing this complaint, the world-conquer- 
ing banners of the Divanji Saheb were unfiirled ; 
he besieged the fort, and the gunners kept up 
continual firing during a month, whereupon 
Chand came out with a grieved heart and a 
yellow face, suing for pardon, and having obtain- 
ed a guarantee of his life and honour from the 
Divanji Saheb, surrendered the fort to Mehta 
Gangaram Lalabhui, son of the Divanji' s aunt. 

Chand Patani had a virgin daughter, handsome 
like the brilliant moon, and as the Navab S&heb 
heard of her beauty, he dropped the reins of 
patience from his hands and desired to procure 
an interview with her ; but as Chand refused to 
comply, he sent some persons to bring her by force. 
But the Divanji Saheb kept his word, by which 
the honour and life of Chand were guaranteed, 
and accordingly he and his beautiful daughter 
were allowed to depart to Gorakhma^i, which is 
a sacred place of the Jogis. 

Conquest of the Fort of FositrI. 
MerSman Khavas, the Karbh^ri of the 3&m 
Saheb Jesaji^ was greatly distressed by the 


depredations of Wagharsof Okhamandal, ac- 
cordingly he invited the Divanji Saheb in Sarnvat 
1 83 to reduce the fort of P o s i tr a . The noble- 
minded Divanji Saheb, who was constantly on 
the outlook for similar events, arrived in a 
short time in Okha and engaged in the siege of 
Positra, a fort never conquered by any one, but 
taken by the good fortune of the Divanji Saheb 
in a single assault after exploding a gunpowder 
mine, and then mounting the breach. An amount 
of plunder considerable beyond all expectation 
was found, which those pirates had collected in 
the ports of the Dakhan, of Arabia, the Soahili 
coast, Maskat, Abyssinia, Sindh, and the Farang 
(Portuguese) settlements. On that occasion the 
doleful news arrived of the demise of the Navab 
Saheb Mahabat Khan on the 14th Kartak Vad in 
Samvat 1831 [a. h. 1177]. The duration of his 
reign was 1 6 years 2 months and 2 days. 

Navab SIheb HImed Khan, son op 
Mahabat KhAn Bahadur Babi. 

After receiving this terrible news the Divanji 
Saheb immediately left Okha, marched quickly to 
Junagadh, and placed the Sahib Zadah of exalted 
fortune Hamid Khan, who was bom of 
Sujan Kunvar, upon the masnad of his father, 
and started the army to collect the jamdbandi. 
In that year also the peshkash (tribute) for 
Jhalavadwas for the first time fixed. Whilst the 
army was at a distance, collecting peshkash, Babis 
Adil Khan and Mukhtdr Khan, the Jagird^ra 


of BantwH, formed an alliance with the NAgoria 
and other Kagb^tis of the town ofVanthali, 
and without difficulty took that fort. When this 
disastrous news reached the Divanji Saheb, he 
quickly marched to VanthaU and beleaguered 
the fort on all sides. Most of the instigators 
of this rebellion now tried to divert the Bai 
Sahibah Sujanbai from the path of her duty, 
and to bias her towards Mukhtar Khan and 
Adil Khan; and at this time, AburAi Mahi- 
patrao, the Subah of A'hmadabad, happened to 
bring an army into the country to collect 
peskkash, and the malcontents bought his aid, 
but, owing to their fear of the Divanji Saheb, 
they were unable to effect anything, and he kept 
up the siege and skirmished with the troops who 
approached his army. And when the Dakhanis 
perceived that they were unable to effect any- 
thing, they made peace with the Divanji and 
presented him with a dress of honour, and ab- 
stained from fighting, and entrusted to him the 
collection of the rest of their jamdbandi and 
returned. After getting rid of this interference 
the Divanji Saheb pressed the fort more closely, 
60 that Mukhtar Khan sued for mercy, and was 
allowed to depart to Bantwa, and the fort was oc- 
cupied by the servants of the Navdb of Junaga4h. 
Victory over the Subahdars op the 

PeshvI and GiEKvio. 
Ararat Rao and Thoban, Subahdars of the 

Peshva and the Gaekvad, arrived together whilst 


the army of the DiT&oji S^heb was in the 
P a n c h a 1 district. These troops adyanced with 
the intention of fighting under their valiant of- 
ficers. The Diyanji Saheb, as then seemed best to 
him, and remembering his position as a Zamindar, 
suffered them to be without molestation, but both 
the antagonistic armies were close to each other at 
J e t p u r, and the warriors were anxious to fight. 
Accordingly at dawn, when the sovereign of day 
drew forth the scimitar of light from the scab- 
bard of darkness, the command to attack was 
sounded on both sides by beating drums and 
blowing clarions noisy enough to cause an earth- 
quake. The Dakhauis rushed forth with great 
ardour in large masses, carrying swords, guns, and 
lances, compelling the Divanji, who put his trust 
in the Lord of Girnar, to defend himself with his 
infantry and cavalry and to open fire with his 
artillery. At last the fight became general, and 
in it a trooper wearing a coat of mail inflicted 
a blow with his sword on the shoulder of the 
Divanji Saheb, which would have killed him had 
it not been rendered harmless by the armour he 
wore, and, turning swiftly round, at one spear- 
thrust he slew the trooper. The enemy left their 
dead on the battle-field and carried off their 
wounded ; and, the Divanji Saheb being victo. 
rious, the Marathas began the second day to 
treat for peace, and a meeting having been held, 
through the mediation of Jadeja Kumbhoji and 
Wala Kanthar, peace was finally ooncluded^ with 



many compliments on both sides ; when, howerer, 
Ararat Rao arrived in Ahmadabad, he was trea- 
cherously killed in the bazar by an Arab. 

March to PalanswI, in the country 

OF VIgad. 

At the request of Vaghji Raja of Morbi, the 
Divanji marched to V a g a d, but some of his men 
died for want of water whilst crossing the Salt 
Ran ; but the fort ofPalanswa and the town of 
Kerianagar were taken after considerable 
trouble, and countless booty fell into the Di- 
vanji' s hands, and he returned to Junagadh after 
receiving a large sum of money sent by the Rao 
Saheb of Kachh to avert further misfortunes. 

As the Jam Saheb Jas4ji was besieging tl)e fort 
of B e t h a 1 i, in the parganah of P o r b a n d a r, 
Rana Sultanji sued for assistance, as narrated in 
the account of that parganah, and it was granted. 
Peace was concluded, on condition that the fort 
of Bethali should be demolished. On this oc- 
casion an attempt was made by Meraman 
Khawas secretly to poison the Divanji Saheb at 
an entertainment to which he was invited. But, 
as he was destined to live, he excused himself 
from accepting the invitation, on the pretext that 
Daftari Khushalrai had died at Junagadh ; and he 
ordered his army to march in that direction. 
Jivaji Samraj, Subah of the Gaikvad, had come 
to collect the peshkash (tribute) of Kathiavad, 
and, having stationed his army at Amreli, 

164 NAVAB HAMED Eh£n. 

aimed at independence and the conquest of 
territory and caused much disturbance in the coun- 
try. Accordingly the victorious army marched 
to coerce him, and after he was defeated in open 
battle he took shelter in Amreli, which place he 
was also forced to quit ; the Divan Saheb granted 
him pardon, and allowed him to depart to Gu- 
jarat, and razed the fort to the ground. At this 
time Sheikh Miyan caused a disturbance in 
M a n g r 1, and the Divan Saheb Amarji sent his 
younger brother Divan Dulabhji, who was a pillar 
of the government and wise like Aristotle, to 
punish him, and he took up his station at S i 1, 
where hostilities were being carried on with 
equal results, when, by the will of God, Khu- 
shalbgi, mother of the author, and daughter 
of Dosa Mehta Mankad, expired on the 13th 
of Jeshta Vad in Sam vat 1834 (a.d. 1777). 
8he had given birth to three sons, the eldest of 
whom, Raghunath, was born on the 1 1 th 
of Asad Shud Samvat 1819 [a.d. 1/62] ; the 
second, Ranchodji, was born on the 10th 
Aso Shud in Samvat 1824 [a.d. 1767] ; and the 
third, Dalpatram, on the 2nd Bhadarva 
Vad in Samvat 1829 [a.d. 1772]; her fourth 
child was a daughter A m a b a i, who was born 
in Samvat 1832 (ad. 1775). Sheikh Miykn 
thought this a good opportunity, and came on the 
pretence of condolence to Junagadh, and sat 
down with some of his companions in the large 
tent where the mourners were assembled, and 



Bued for pardon, which the Divan Saheh was 
thus obliged to grant. 

At the close of Sariivat 1834 the Rao Saheb 
Fatehsing Gaikvad, who reigned at Baroda, and 
who had heard of the expulsion of Jiwaji Samraj 
from the fort of Amreli, entered Sorath with a 
large army ; when he arrived at J e t p u r and en- 
camped there, he heard how well the Divan Saheb 
stood with his army, how liberal and how brave he 
was, and he saw that it would be a difficult matter 
to subdue him : accordingly through the mediation 
of some of the Zamindars, he overlooked his in. 
jury, and presented the Divanji Saheb with a dress 
of honour, and also bestowed on him the tribute 
which was in arrears, and returned. In Samvat 
1 835 the Gaekvad went again on mulkgiri expedi- 
tion to Kathiavad, though it had been his inten- 
tion to avenge the disaster of Jivaji Samraj, and 
to boast of his success ; but his object was not 

By the advice and boldness of Premji Lohan^, 
his Kamdar, the Rana Sultanji had employed all 
the Arabs he could enlist in his service on a 
higher monthly salary, and had thus become the 
source of disturbances. Accordingly the army 
was got ready to punish him, and when Premji 
saw his inability to resist in the field he began to 
tremble like a willow- leaf, and sent tribute in 
excess of the usual amount, as well as all the 
booty he had taken, and, in addition to this, costly 
presents obtained from the cargo of a ship sent by 



Kavab Haidar 'All as presents to the Khalifah of 
Baghdad, and which vessel had been wrecked on 
his coast, and sought forgiveness of his trans- 

In the year Samvat 1836 [a.d. 1780] there was 
a slight famine, during which the Sindhis of 
Devra and Khagasri, under the leadership of 
Malik Muhammad and other Sindhis, had collect- 
ed their people from all quarters, and commenced 
to plunder the country of Kumbhaji, who com- 
plained to the Divan Sdheb. Accordingly the 
army marched, and was joined also by Divan 
Govindji with his forces from K u t i a n a ; both 
forts were besieged and cannonaded, the garrisons 
fled, and they were taken possession of by the 
servants of the Junagadh government. 

The Thanadar of Random a, Jiva Seih 
by name, an Amir of the Jam SaheVs darbar, was 
a brave man who constantly kept his army fight- 
ing, and supported it by plunder. In Samvat 
1837 he ravaged G a d h a 1 i, in the parganah of 
Bhavnagar, in Gohelvad, and captured Motibhai, 
a Rajput Zamindar who was the adopted uncle 
of the author, and imprisoned him in the fort of 
M e w a s d [under Kandoma]. When this news 
reached the Divanji he quickly marched to 
Mewasd ; on the road, however, he met certain 
men coming from D h r o 1 with the intention of 
aiding Jiva Seth ; most of these he killed, and 
then besieged the fort. When Jiva Seth saw 
death staring him in the face and fortune 


navIb hamed khIn. 167 

abandoning him, he sent out Motibhai with ralu- 
able presents, and thus escaped from the whirl- 
pool of destruction. Meru Kharas, although he 
had arrived with an army at K a n d o r a a to aid 
Jiva Seth, had not the courage to do so, and 
halted there without engaging. Shekh Tahir had 
formerly killed the half-brother of the Divan 
Saheb Baghunathji, by name Pipi, who was in 
charge of the artillery. To avenge this murder 
the Divanji marched against him in Samvat 
1838, and obtained the place without fighting, 
and bestowed on him one or two villages in indm. 
Gangadas, half-brother of the Divanji, and who 
formerly was Thanahdar of Delvada, owing to 
disputes with Sayyid Latif and others came to 
Una and thence attacked Delvada, but was 
killed by a musket-ball in the last-mentioned 
place ; after that, Tuljaram, the Divanji's own 
brother, was slain in a fight, and in his place 
Parbhashankar Nanabhai, a Bansvada Nagar, 
who was a good soldier and a brave man, was 
made Thanadar of Una and Delvada, and after 
great trouble he succeeded in subjugating the 
Babrias, and the Habshi of Muzaffarabdd and the 
Portuguese of Div feared him greatly. 

On this joyful season of the Huli the Divanji 
Saheb was desirous that the young Navab 
Hamid Khan should preside over the festi- 
vities ; accordingly within the camp many tents 
were pitched, and a spacious shdmiandk was 
erected, adorned with garlands, in which he was 


installed on a gorgeous throne of many hues, and 
numerous dancing girls were engaged for the 
occasion, and carried on their diversions with 
music and singing for a whole month. 

Victory over the Jam SIheb JasIjI) the 
RIna SultInji, and Kumbhoji. 

The JamJasaji was Jam in name only, as 
he was kept by Meraman and Bhowan Khavas, 
the Karbharis, under surveillance, like a parrot in 
a cage, whilst they reigned in Nagar according 
to their pleasure, and collected much gold 
and silver. To free her husband from this 
tutelage, Achuba Ran!, wife of the Jam, the 
daughter of Raja Gajsingh of Halwad-Dhranga- 
dhra, planned various stratagems. The Raja of 
Porbandar, Rana Sultanji, Kumbhoji the Raja 
of Gondal, and all the Zamindars of those 
parts entered into an alliance, and after fighting 
some battles in the parganah of K u t i a n a in 
the month Maghsar Saihvat 1 838, encamped with 
their armies, which exceeded ants and locusts in 
numbers, on the banks of the river Bhadar. To 
meet these foes the Divanji Saheb marched with 
his glorious army, and pitched his tents near 
Jetpur. Meraman Khavas discovered that he 
could not cross the river save by stratagem, and 
accordingly despatched Jagu Raval, a man whom 
he greatly trusted, with a humble message to 
the Divanji Saheb to send over Rudraji Chanya 
and Punjmal, a Brinsvada Nagar, that he might 
treat with them ; when, however, these two men 



arrived iu his tent, he addressed them in so over- 
bearing a manner that they could scarcely endure 
it, and replied in their turn that he was wrong 
in placing too much confidence in the multitude 
of his troops, and to consider the Divanji Saheb 
as a weak man, but rather to liken him unto a 
valiant lion who can put to flight a flock of 
goats, or a hungry wolf who would disperse them 
like a herd of antelopes. At these words Mera- 
man became afraid, and in the dead of night, when 
both these Vakils were fast asleep, he crossed 
the river with all his troops. As soon as the 
Divanji Saheb was apprised of this, he beat tht 
drum to pursue the enemy, whom he overtook in 
the plain of Panchpipla, where Meru had 
drawn up his army in battle array, and surrounded 
his camp with large and small artillery. When 
the two armies encountered each other, the 
cannonade began immediately. 

Verses: — 

Troops numerous were here assembled all, 
No one had ever seen the like before — 
Combatants more than locusts or large ants, 
All wieldidg dirks and fiery scimitars. 
And furious like to raging elephants. 
With poniards, spears, and arrows in their hands. 
The rush of troops so blocked the roads 
That earth's surface seemed too small for them. 
The din of war arose from all the troops. 
Black smoke confused the earth and sky in one. 
The yells produced anxiety of heart. 
They chased the sense from heads, and hues from 



The noise of kettle-drums, and laments of trampi^ 
Made lions lose their way in deserts wide. 
The brazen roar, enough to split the stones, 
Distressed the Simurgh on Mount Qaf. 
The lamentation of the Trumpet sounds 
Produced quaking fear in hands and feet. 
The noise which the chiefs heard was such 
That you have said the resurrection trump had 

The antagonists fell upon each other like the 
waves of the ocean, the Divanji Saheb's army 
began to give way a little, but order was soon 
restored by the exertions of Muzafar Khan, 
Fatehyab Khan Babi, 'Abdu'llah Kh&n, Abdul 
Rahim Khan (Karani). Haiyat Khan Baloch, 
Harising Solankhi, Syad Karam 'Ali, Sayyid Gul 
Muhammad, Mulvi Ahmadu'llab, Omar Khan 
Khokhar, Himatlal, Jitaram, and Sampatram 
Nagar and others, who restored the battle. 
Shekh Mian also arrived after the battle had 
commenced, and joined in it, and flashed like 
lightning on the threshing-floor of the enemies. 

Verses : — 

What battle lines did they arrange ! 

Each champion looking for his rival foe. 

Both armies were amazingly confused. 

It seemed the sun and moon commingled were* 

On both sides streams of blood did flow ; 

The fathers for their sons did look, 

And all were waiting for the turn of fate. 

At last the enemies were scattered like the 
stars of the Great Bear. Bhavan Khawas, brother 
of Meru Khawas, was wounded by a musket ball. 

NAVAB hImED khan. 171 

Meru, the commander-in-chief of Hallar, fled 
with all the troops, which would have found no 
resting-place, had not the mantle of night screen- 
ed them, and the Divanji Saheb with much joy 
took possession of the enemy's camp, beating 
the shddidnah drum of delight, and was ap- 
plauded by everybody. 

Meraman Khawas, being thus foiled by this 
ill-luck, called to his aid the army of Sena Ehas 
Khel Shamsher Bahadur Manaji Gaikvad, and 
the Divanji Saheb, wishing to remain on good 
terms with the latter, returned to Junagadh and 
encamped near the town. The Zamindars and the 
army of the Gaikvad dared not follow him, but 
beleaguered Devrd, which has four towers, and 
by cannonading it on all sides they demolished 
it after a week's siege ; but the garrison, under 
Fakirchand Purbiah, Balkhair, an Arab Jamadar, 
and Abheram the Nagar, were allowed to depart 
with their arms and ammunition, and after this 
affair the army of the Gaikvad returned to Baroda. 
Hereupon the Divanji Saheb proceeded with his 
victorious army to punish the Zamindars for their 
rebellious spirit, and invaded the Qountry of the 
Rana Sulfcanji, with whom Meraman Khawas had 
made an alliance, but, time-server as he was, he 
broke it and supplicated the Divanji Saheb to 
pardon his transgressions. 

Accordingly he joined the army; and after 
devastating the country of the Bana the Div&nji 
Saheb left a detachment to besiege the fort of 


Khirasra, and proceeded with the army to collect 
the jamahandi (revenue) from the Khambhat, 
Dhandhuka, and Limbdi frontier. The Rana, 
who was now helpless, agreed to pay a fine and' 
heavy tribute, and to repair the fort of Devra, 
whereon he again obtained peace. During this 
year the parganah of D a t h a came into the 
possession of the government of JunHgadh. 

Verses : — 

The night is dark, the storm so terrible, 
What know the happy people on the shore ? 

Murder of the DivIn SIheb Amarji. 

The Navab Saheb H a m e d K h a n left the 
army, which was on a mulukgiri expedition, in 
Samvat 1840 [a.d. 1784], on pretence of sickness, 
and made a night's halt at Gondal on his 
journey ; on this occasion Kumbhaji, who was 
always apprehensive that the Divan Saheb might 
retake D h o r a j i and U p 1 e t a, spoke as follows 
to the Navab : — " I will give you three lakhs of 
Jami kodis if you will get rid of your Divan, 
who is an ambitious man and carries on the 
affairs of your state with a high hand, and if you 
effect this you will acquire independence and 
freedom from control, as well as full authority in 
your government." When the Navab Saheb 
entered Junagadh he set about the execution of 
his plan, by alluring with abundant gifts and 
promises of high offices Manohardas, son of 
Trikamdas, a Nagar of the Vaishnava sect who was 


in the confidence of the Divan Saheb, and Mehta 
Khan and Jubah Kh^n Gujarati and Jivan Khan 
Afghan, all of whom were companions and guards 
of the Navab, to aid him in the execution there- 
of. Accordingly, when the Divan Saheb had 
returned from the collection of the pesh^ash 
[tribute] to Junagadh during the Hull festival* 
and Bibi SardarBakhta, veidow of the de" 
ceased Navab Mahabat Khan, invited him to the 
palace on the pretence of showing him the 
trousseau she had prepared for the marriage of 
Bibi Kamal Bakhta, daughter of Ghazi-al-din 
Khan to the Navab Hamid Khan, and which 
consisted of garments, jewellery, with gold and 
silver ornaments, &c., they there put him to 
death. They who committed the deed acquired 
thereby eternal infamy. The murder was com- 
mitted on the 1 1th Rabi II. a.h. 1198 (March 
6th, A.D. 1784). On this occasion the author 
and Divan Dulabhji, with Desai Samaldas, and 
Rudraji the Gomashtah, were thrown into prison, 
in spite of the aid of the Arab Jamadars Sheikh 
Muhammad Zubaidi, and Masud, and Saleh 
Abdulla, and Hadi, and the Sindhi Jamadars 
Sharfud-din and Malhar, and other Gujaratis and 
Afghans, but it availed nothing. 

At this time the army of the Gaikvad Morar 
Rao Sena Khas Khel Shamsher Bahadur was 
camped in the zillah of Gohelvad, levying tribute. 
Rupaji Sindhia, who was a cousin of Madhavji 
Sindhia, the intimate friend of the murdered 


Divan Saheb, accompanied the Gaikvildl army. 
On hearing the melancholy news, he advanced bj 
forced marches and encamped in the plain of 
Dhandusar, at a distance of four kos from 
Junagadh, where he pitched his victorious tents. 
Thence he demanded from the Navab Saheb 
satisfaction for this wanton murder, and enjoined 
him to release the men whom he had imprisoned, 
as the Arabs had confined the Navab to the Rang 
Mahal until he should give proper securities ; he 
therefore, perceiving the altered circumstances 
of the time, released the prisoners afler one 

Raval Vakhatsingh, observing his opportu-> 
nity, expelled the thanah of Junagadh which had 
been recently placed at the port of M a h u w a, 
and gradually acquired possession of Loliana^ 
Patna, Saldi, and other places. The Navab 
Saheb, when he saw there was no .other remedy, 
invested Raghunatbji, the excellent son of the 
late Divanji Saheb Amarji, with the garb of 
minister. The date of this event has been 
found by Panti Mian Chisti as follows : — 

Verses : — 

*' When Raghunatbji received the robe of the 

Yenus came dancing with joy at the sight. 
And a joyful voice issued from the sky 
*The good fortune which has departed has- 

again returned.^ ^** 

* The numerical values of the letters amount 
to the year A. h. in which the event happened. 


And the demands of the late Divanji Saheh, 
^hich amounted to sixty lakhs of Jami kodis, 
vrere thus settled in the presence of the Gaekvady 
the ruler of the age. 

The parganahs of Un a, of D el v a d a, of 
M a n g r 1, of S i 1, and of D i v a s a were mort- 
gaged until the liquidation of the debt with interest 
was effected. This was arranged in Samvat 1 840. 
The second agreement was that the four villages of 
Halyad, Bhensan, Antaroli, and Akhodar, bestowed 
as a reward for the conquest of the forts of Veraval 
and Kutian^, should be considered as a ransom 
for the murder of the Divan Saheb, and his 
children should also receive five villages from the 
parganahs of Mangrol and Sutrapada respectively. 
To this agreement Sayyid Ghulam Mahi-al-din and 
Sayyid Ahmad Qadari, with the Arab and Sindhi 
Jamadars Haiyat Khan Baluch and Hari Sing 
Qasbati, stood security. As, however, the army 
of the Gaikvad would not move without the 
consent of the sons of the murdered Div^n, the 
Divan Dulabhji despatched the author to that 
chief of exalted fortune Morar Rao Gaikvad to 
plead for the pardon of the Navab Saheb. When 
the author arrived at the tents, the Gaikvad 
himself, with Raja Narayan Rao Pandre, Jivaji 
Samraj, Rupaji Sindhia, and the Nimbalkar, the 
Sardars of Baroda and the Deshmukhs, and Jama- 
dar Hamid, and the Yemani Amirs Obayd, 
Qasam, Hara, &c, came to condole with him one 
by one, and each noble presented him with two 


shawls and an embroidered scarf and turban, til 
all they amounted to about a hundred. The Rao 
Saheb advanced a hundred paces from his private 
tent and presented me with a palanquin and vdth 
the turban from his own blessed head, and directed 
that I should be appointed his Divan, and Super •* 
intendent of B.pdffahof 1500 horsemen accord- 
ing to the rules of Pandre ; and the annual pay 
of all these men amounted to six lakhs and forty 
thousand rupees, and to defray this he assign- 
ed the revenues of the parganahs M a h u d h a, 
Amreli, Damnagar and K o d i n a r, but^ 
as I was brought up in this country, and had my 
relatives here, I could not accept of this bounty. 
Finally the fort of Kutiana was given to 
the Divan Govindji, and Una and the M a n -> 
g r o 1 parganah to the Div£ln Dulabhji, V e r & - 
V a 1 to the Divan Raghun^ithji, and Sutra- 
p a d a to Samalji Mankad, the maternal uncle of 
the author. In spite of his favours the Srimant 
Gaikvad made a demand for these parganahs, 
but Divan Dulabhji, being faithful to his salt, 
refused to consent. 

When the army of the Gaikvad had matched 
away, Sayyid Salim, Abdu'llah bin Hamid, Omar 
bin Hamid, Ahmed Umar, Sheikh Muhammad 
Zubeid, and other Arabs kept the Navab Saheb 
Hamed Khan for four months confined to his tents 
near the Vanthali Gate, to enforce payment of 
their arrears of salary. The Navab, however, who 
was as cunning as Lokman, sent for a covered 


carriage from the darbar, and spread a rumour 
that his mother, the Bibi Sahebah Sardar Bakhta, 
whom he had not seen for several months, was 
coming to pay him a visit ; the simple Arabs kept 
their guard without the tents, whilst the Navab 
Saheb made his servant RahmatKhan lie down on 
his bed and represent him, whilst he left in the 
carriage in the assumed garb of a woman. As 
soon as he entered the Rang Mahal, he began to 
fire muskets and cannon upon the Arabs ; when 
the Arabs saw that their scheme had failed, they 
took refuge in the UparkoJ; this, however, he 
also attacked, and after some more fighting peace 
was concluded on the condition that the Arabs 
should receive one-half of the wages due to them. 
The Divan Dulabhji and others, being tired of the 
perpetual nghtings, emigrated to J e t p u r with 
their families. 

The Fort of Veraval is taken from the 
Divan RaghunIthji by treachery. 

Since Samvat 1836 the fort of Veraval had 
belonged to the Divan Raghunathji, but three 
confidential leaders of aibandi, namely, the Jama*- 
dars Rabya, Rakhyah, and Nebhor, and Taj 
Muhammad Qamar, were decoyed by the Navab 
to his own side from motives of gain, and they, 
forgetting the obligations under which they were 
to the Divan Saheb Raghunathji, expelled him 
from the fort ; accordingly he went by the way 
of Gorakhmadi first to Jetpur, and then after a 
lapse of several months to Junagadh, during 


which interval Tapidas Vaishnava and Manohar- 
das Jikar, like reptiles of the earth, endeavoured 
to carry on the office of Divan, but were not 
tolerated longer than a week. 

The Navab SAhgb instigates the Arabs 


In this year there happened to be a partial 
famine ; and Ibrahim Khan, with Hansoji and 
Ataji and Khanji, having obtained a favourable 
opportunity, expelled Samalji (Mankad) from 
Sutrapada, and took possession of the fort ; 
accordingly the Divan Dulabhji sent Parbhashan- 
kar Faujdar from Una with troops to besiege it, 
whereupon the garrison, being helpless, accepted 
the author as their governor. The Divan Du- 
labhji had gone on a progress through the country, 
and leaving Junagadh had reached Una when 
the Navab Saheb issued orders to have him kill- 
ed, but was unsuccessful. Afterwards the Navab 
instigated the Arab Jamadars in Junagadh who 
were in the employ of the Divan to abandon 
him ; and Di^an Govindji, with the Jamadar 
Shekh Muhammad Zubeidi, Saleh A'bduUah, and 
other Arabs, was besieged in the Uparkot, but 
after some fighting an arrangement was made that 
the moiety of their wages should be paid to them. 
Then the Div^n Govindji went to Jetpur ; and the 
Divan Dulabhji, who was at Una, was joined by 
the Divan Ranchodji from Sutrapada, whence he 
had been expelled by Ibrahim Khan Hansoji 
Pathan and others who were in expectation of 


such work. The Navab Saheb appointed his ser- 
vant Shekh Mahmud Mangroli to conquer Una, 
and he took up a position at Gupt Prag ; and it 
happened that Mehta Parbhashankar — a Bans- 
vada Nagar who had been a confidential servant 
of Divan Dulabhji, and had been employed by 
him for years, and who had been the Thanadar of 
Una and Kodinar, and who had subjugated the 
whole of Babriavad and KathiavacJ by his prow- 
ess, and whom the Governor of Muza^Tarabad, 
( Jafarabad) as well as the Portuguese of Diu 
feared — swerved from his loyalty in consequence 
of the events of the times, and instigated the 
Jamadfirs of the Sirbandi, namely, Rayah (Rabi) 
and Punah, and Jesa and Rahim, and Avud'Ali, 
to expel Dulabhji, which they did at the begin- 
ning of the rainy season. He now went to Delvada, 
where also he was not allowed to remain, but the 
people there kept his son Morarji as their nomi- 
nal Sardar. The said Divan then stayed for a 
month at Dhoraji, where he paid off the Arabs 
who had been in his service, and went to Jetpur, 
and was hospitably entertained all this time by 
Jadeja Kumbhaji. 

GuL Khan is slain. Marriage of the 
BiBi Sahebah KamAl Bakhta, and events 

OF YEAR 1842. 

The Sindhi Jamadars kept forcible possession 
of the fort of Vanthali to enforce payment of 
their arrears, whilst Jamadars Karamshah and 
Othman and others had estabhshed themselves 


firmly in the Rang Mahal at Junagadh ; but the 
Navab Saheb, who in deceit and artifice excelled 
Kalilah and Dimnah, induced the Arabs to slay 
the Jamadar Gul Khan in the middle of the 
bazar during the celebration of the Id, and to 
expel the other Jamadara from the city by force. 
These men, however, took refuge in Vanthali, 
whither the Navab himself went to oust them, 
and called to his assistance also Premji Loh^na 
from Porbandar, but after his arrival they could 
not agree, and he was obliged to return in dis- 
grace. Now, since no one could carry on the 
work of Divan or subjugate the Sindhis, the 
Navab found himself forced to go to Jetpur, 
where he remained fifteen days, and after a thou- 
sand supplications invested the Divan Raghu- 
nathji with the official dress of Divan, and finally 
brought him to Junagadh ; during the same year 
he contracted a marriage with the daughter of 
Navab Ghazial-din Khan, the JSgirdar of Sami, 
and Munjpur ; the lady's name was KamalBakhta, 
and the wedding was celebrated in the town of 
Morbi, on which occasion the Divan Saheb 
Raghun^thji and Dulabhji gave large sums to 
Charans and singers. 

Conquest of the Fort of SutrApIdI. 

After Ibrahim and Hansoji Pattani had cu- 
pelled the author, they took possession of the 
whole parganah of Sutrapada ; the Divanji there- 
fore gave orders to Parbhashankar to come from 
Un^ and chastise them; and he issuing from 


Una punished them and expelled them from 
the fort after a month's siege, and the author was 
installed there as Mutasaddi, and held the office 
for eight years. 

Meanwhile the Navab Saheb carried on the 
government of Junagadh in a wavering manner, 
various factions intrigued against each other^ and 
the Divan Saheb Raghunathji again resigned his 
office ; but as the Navab Saheb was unable alone 
to conduct affairs, he found himself under the 
necessity for six months of paying visits to the 
house of Raghunathji to consult him, and finally 
he again persuaded him, whether he would or 
not, to accept the office of Divan. 

Jjideja Kumbhaji, who was a shrewd man, at 
the time when a disagreement had taken place 
between the master and the servant, obtained a 
deed writing over permanently the jama of 
Gondal and of Jetalsar, Meli, Majethi, Lath, 
Bhimora, and the parganah of Sarsai-Champarda, 
on account of the three lakhs of Jamis which he 
had advanced in Samvat 1840. 

Conquest op Kesoj. 

The Raizadah Dagoji, the Zamindar of Kesoj, 
kept ill his pay Arab Jamadars and Masu'd, 
Omar, Salomi and others, as well as Bayi Khan the 

Makrani, and plundered the villages of Bantva; 
accordingly Edal Khan and Mukht&r Khan 
implored the aid of the Divan Raghunathji, 

Divan Dulabhji, who considered himself as the 




Naib of the Divan Saheb Raghunathji, sent 
the author with a force and artillery to the 
theatre of war. The first place sacked and 
burnt by the enemy was Agatrai ; and at the 
instance of the injured people I started, and 
fought a severe battle in the plain of the locality 
just mentioned, in which the Jamadar Omar 
Salomi was killed, and on our side Mukhtar 
Khan was wounded by a dagger-thrust, but 
slightly, as he wQjre a coat of mail. The second 
battle, in which about one hundred and fifty 
men on both sides were wounded, was fought 
near the village of Mavana ; it lasted long, as the 
Arabs, under the protection of date-trees, firmly 
held their ground. 

In this fight a personal attendant of the Divan 
Kanchodji, with Jamadar Jan Muhammad and 
the Risalah of Omar, made great exertions, so 
that Dagoji agreed to pay a fine, as well as 
restore the plunder he had taken in the Bantva 
parganah. A few months afterwards he became 
so embarrassed on account of the pay he owed 
his troops, that in Samvat 1844 he sold the fort 
of Kesoj to the Divan Dulabhji for a lakh of 
Jami kodis. 


Divan RaghunIthji takes the forts of 
Chorvad and Veraval, and chastises 

RInI Sultan ji. 
As Sanghji R^izadah, Zamindar of Chorvad,. 
had lost his life in the battle at MaHa, and his 
survivors were perplexed how to pay the troops. 


tbey made over the fort of Chorvad to Rana 
Sultanji of Porbandar, who took possession of 
it, and at the same time raised a quarrel with 
Mangrol, but the time blinded his eyes from 
seeing the future, and made his mind arrogant. 
Ibrahim Khan Pattani and other rebels from the 
Junagadh government had joined him, and he 
had enlisted them in his service, and he took 
possession of the fort of Veraval by means of scal- 
ing-ladders during the night of the 13th Bhadarva 
in Sam vat 1844. Diler Khan and Th&nahdar 
Ghulami, the servants of the Navab Saheb, 
pulled oiF their shoes before they had even seen 
the water, and sued for quarter without having 
offered any resistance, and issued forth ; however, 
Ghulami was killed. On that occasion the 
author, who had been for four years employed 
as Mutasaddi of Sutra pa da, as soon as he heard 
what had taken place, marched at once to the 
fort, but before I arrived the cowardly Diler Khan 
had surrendered the fort. When this news 
reached Junagadh, Divan Dulabhji, who consi- 
dered news of this sort good tidings, exclaimed — 

" Will dignity or gold avail a fool ? 
A kick is all that he requires ! " 
Divan Raghunathji and Govindji managed the 
army, whilst Dulabhji, who suffered much from 
dropsy, remained in Junagadh 'and sent to them 
the war material they required, and took care that 
the Sibandis were paid. Meanwhile the army 
besieged Chorvad, and troops having assembled 


from all parts, Kumbhaji Jadeja was fortunate 
enough to serve there, and the gardens of Chorvad 
were so devastated that cows and donkeys grazed 
on the celebrated* pan leaves, whilst the people 
crawled under the shade of plantain trees. 

Ibrahim Khan, who was the commander of the 
Rana's forces, one day led a sortie against the 
besiegers and was killed by a musket-ball, and 
finally on the day of Kartak Sud first, in Samvat 
1845, the fort was assaulted on the side where it 
had been breached by the cannon on that occasion. 
The Navab Saheb and the Divan Saheb Raghu- 
nathJL mounted the breach as a bridegroom goes> 
to meet the bride, and thus entered the city, and 
after applying scahng ladders, scaled the walls. 
O'mars Khokher and several other brave warriors 
showed much gallantry. Another assaulting 
party was led by Samalji M^nkar, the maternal 
uncle of the Divan, which entered the fort after a 
few musketry discharges from their Arabs, and the 
garrison after a slight resistance pleading for quar- 
ter saved their lives, and the family and children 
of Mokaji Raizadah, the ZamindAr of Chorvad> 
by the intervention of Kumbhaji Jadeja, were 
allowed to depart honourably to Dhoraji; and 
from this date the government of the Raizadahs. 
ceased to exist in Chorvad. 

After this victory the Navab Saheb marchect 
with his victorious army to Veraval and laid 
siege to it. The Jemadars Rakhiah Karamshah 

* Chorv4d is celebrated for its p4n gardens. 


Malik Sultan Yahia Ben Mansur and Ataji 
and Dawudji Kunwar defended the fort with a 
large garrison provisioned from the sea by 
way of Porbandar, and placing cannon on 
boats they cannonaded the camp, and also made 
a sharp attack on the besieging batteries, but 
eventually were repulsed. In those times 
Budhanath, the abbot of Gorakmadi, who was 
very liberal and hospitable, happened to die, and 
the Navab Saheb Hamed Khan despatched tie 
author with Sheikh Mahmiid and Parbhashankar 
to condole with the family. In' the same year 
also Divan Dulabhji died suddenly of the dropsy 
on Magsar Wad 2nd, and although the Navab 
Saheb and the army were much distressed at the 
news, the Divan Raghundthji and Govindji put 
their trust in the mercy of God, and continued 
the siege. At last on Posh Wad 6th they allured 
to their side All Khan- Ataji and Hansoji, and 
the Pattani Jamadars, who from desire of their 
jagirs and former service, turning from their 
allegiance joined the Navab, and the following 
arrangement was made, that at midnight they 
should open the wicket in the gate and admit the 
Navab's men. The Divan Saheb Raghunathji in 
person and Divan Govindji, with the commanders 
of the forces Parbashankar and Samalji Mankar, 
with 200 Arabs, 100 Sindhis and the Jamadars 
Jia Jankhra, Syad Salim, Syad Ali, and others, 
entered the fort on the west side, which was as it 
were the rising east of the Navab Saheb' s for- 


tune. Immediately on their making their attack^ 
the garrison stood to their arms» and fought with 
such constancy and unspeakable gallantry that the 
angels in heaven were compelled to applaud their 
prowess. And now that the sword play ceased, 
they still fought with knives and daggers and 
blows and pushes^ till their coats of mail were all 
rent, and the grainyard of existence was in many 
cases entirely burned up. In this affair I>awudji, 
who was one of the cousins of Rana Sultanji, was 
slain by a musket-ball, and the garrison losing 
courage, fled under the cover of night. Most of 
them however died either of exhaustion after they 
had escaped and became a prey to vultures and 
crows, or were reduced to the most destitute 
condition by thieves and plunderers. In the 
morning, which is the time of the rising of the 
sun of fortune, they sent the good news to the 
Navab Saheb, who at once entered the city 
with great pomp and bestowed much praise on 
the Divan Saheb. 

After the conquest of Veraval the Navab Saheb 
proceeded with his army to collect peshkash, and 
then advancing by forced marches, replundered 
and ravaged the Rana's country, who being dis- 
tressed to see his country thus harried, and alarm- 
ed also at the siege of the fort of Kandorna by 
the Divan Govindji, who was the governor of 
Kutiana, sued for peace, and agreed to pay a 
naiardnah and a fine, and on these terms peace 
was concluded in Samvat 1846. 


The Arab Jamadars Zobaidi, Salih A'bdullah, 
Muhammad Abu Bakr, Hamed Mohsin and 
Hamed Nasir with Naji had in various emergen- 
cies stood security to the troops for the payment 
of their wages by the Navab, who was at present 
also unable to pay their own salaries. They 
accordingly kept him in close confinement at the 
Rang- Mahal, and prevented him> getting either 
food or water, nor would they listen to the inter- 
cession of the Divan Raghunftthji. One day, how- 
ever, the Navab Saheb seeing^ his opportunity, 
took several of his guards into his counsel, and 
by a thousand artifices contrived to escape from 
his Arab guards- Like a flash of lightning he then 
collected the Khants and Sindhis from the sur- 
rounding country, by whose aid be expelled the 
Arabs from the town with shame and ignominy, 
and in this fight Utamram Ghodadra Nagar, who 
was a peshkar [agent] of mine, was slain. The 
Arab Jamadars who had possessed the fort of 
Chorwar for some little time now ravaged the 
country, and my maternal uncle Samalji encamped 
near Chorvad with some sipahis to restrain their 
excesses. During this confusioo [Divan] Go- 
vindji died, on the 10th of Mahasud, in Sam vat 

In Sam vat 1847 a great famine raged in the 
country, during which many persons of low caste 
became Musalmans for the sake of bread, or 
emigrated, and Musalmans became faithless. 
Grass became as precious as saffron, and grain was 


extremely dear ; nevertheless the rayats of the 
parganahs of Mangrol, Veraval, and Patau, suffer- 
ed during this heaven-sent calamity a great deal 
from the Arabs, but their depredations were put a 
stop to by the end of the year, and they surren- 
dered the fort of Chorvad, which was entrusted 
to the author, and I undertook myself to defray 
the pay of the soldiery. On this occasion Mehta 
Vasanji Bin Vasanji, a Nagar, who was my 
maternal uncle, and Divan to the Jam Jasaji, 
being on his way to Prabhas and Prachi, 
was present. The Divan Siiheb Raghunathji 
having made an arrangement with his bro- 
ther Morarji to divide the administration with 
him, took an army into the district to levy 
peshkash, of which however on account of the 
famine not much could be collected. Jamadar 
Hamid Sindhi now arrived in the Haweli 
parganah of Junagadh on behalf of the Gaekwar 
to collect peshkash, and when tribute was re- 
fused he commenced to ravage the country and 
laid waste many villages of the district of 
Veraval. On his return march, when he was 
at a distance of four kos from Junagadh, the 
Arabs and horsemen who were loyal turned to 
attack him, and he himself was killed by a 
musket-ball in the conflict. This happened in 
Sam vat 1848. 

In the Samvat year 1849, on the 5th of Magsar^ 
the Navab Saheb, with his usual faithlessness, at 
the advice of Kalian Wanio and Madhuraibin 


Khushalrain^gar, imprisoned the Divan Raghu- 
nathji, with Bhai Morarji and their adherents 
Prabhashankar, Dayalji, and other Ndgars, in re- 
turn for their excellent service in conquering the 
country, and their houses were also plundered and 
their treasure confiscated. When this misfortune 
befel the family of the Divan Saheb Amarji, the 
author happened to be at Chorvad, and Antaji, 
the brother of Morarji, was at Una ; they both 
made strenuous efforts to effect the liberation of 
the prisoners, and attacked the Navab's men on 
several occasions, and under the protection of Shri 
Budha Bava [the linga of Shiva in the posses- 
sion of the Divan's family] in the year 1869 plun- 
dered the forts of Ghoghd, Sarasia, Malia, 
Kagwadar, and A'dri. On the 6th of Posh Wad 
I plundered the village of Shergadh, inhabited by 
the Maiyas, and collected a great deal of booty. 
In the fight at Kodin&r, Bhai Antaji captured some 
of the Navab Saheb's jamadars and dismissed 
them from thence, but a Sirdar of his army, and 
Wanio Madharji, the commander of their army, 
fell into a dry well and thus preserved the water 
of their lives. 

In fine, on the loth Posh Sud the Navab Saheb 
put to death Prabhashankar and Dayalji, the 
chief agents of Divan Raghunathji, whom he set 
at liberty on the 11th MahaVad, and six months 
afterwards he released also Morarji without levy- 
ing any fine, and by the decree of fate I happened 
on the same day to get possession of the fort of 


Piitana, held in behalf of Shekh Badar-ud-din by 
Kazi Abd-ul Kh^lik and Shekh Mahmud. Now 
as we three brothers had been expelled from the 
country, we did not remain at Junagadh in spite 
of the attention and courtesy of the Navab Saheb 
Hamid Khan, nor would we accept the offers of 
Shekh Badar-ud-din to stay at Mangrol, nor those 
of Daji of Dhoraji to stay there, but yielded to the 
sincere wish of Mehrawan Khavas, the minister of 
Jam Saheb Jasaji, who had sent Mehta Adabhai 
with one hundred sowars, a kettle-drum, and 
banner as far as Chorvad to meet me, and went 
to Nawanagar, where I was presented with the 
parganahs of Pardhari and Atkot in jagir. As 
I did not return quickly, the fort of Patau re- 
mained without a master, and the Patanis, who 
have an old grudge towards the family of Shaik 
MyaB [Shekh Badar-ud-din] occupying it on be- 
half of the Navab Saheb, expelled my Thanadar 
Kazi Abd-ul Khalik from thence. 

Morarji, son of Divan Dulabhji, went to 
Bhavnagar and obtained four villages in jagir, 
and Mangalji, son of Divan Govindji, who was 
of tender age, had all his gold seized as a fine 
(by the Navab) ; he remained for a short time in 
the service of Rana Sultanji and of the Jam 
Siiheb JasAji, with a paga of horse. The Navab 
now, whilst the office of Divan at Junagadh was 
jointly held by Kalyan Seth and Madhurai, son 
of Khushalrai, exacted a fine of 10 hlkhs of 
jainis from the Sompara and N^gar Brahmans. 


In Saihvat 1850 Rawal Wakhtsingh began to 
harass the Kathis, who lived under the special 
protection of Junagadh. Accordingly an army- 
was sent thence to aid them ; Rawal Wakht- 
singh attacked Chital, which is the residence 
and habitation of the Kathis, and the force sent 
in aid under Jamadar Abdullah and Chotamlal 
Nagar evacuated the place. 

On their return from a mulukgiri expedition, 
the Navab Saheb and Kalyan Seth happened to 
meet Mehraman Khawas at Kalawad, on which 
occasion the Navab Saheb said to the Divan 
Saheb Raghunathji with his own gracious mouth : 
— "I was wrong, I was wrong. Forgive what 
has passed ; I give you the Divanship ;" after 
that he placed the hand of the said Diyan in 
that of Mehraman Khawas, saying, ** this is a 
pledge on my behalf.*' 

Madhurai, a Gujarathi Nagar, who gave vent 
to his high aspirations after the departure of the 
Divan Raghunathji, although he was a duftur- 
writer, considered himself able to discharge the 
functions of a Divan, and actually did so conjoint- 
ly with Kalyan Seth, sharing equally in the pro- 
fits. In a short time, however, according to the 
proverb that "ten Darveshes find room under 
one coverlet, but not two sovereigns in one king- 
dom," Kalyan Seth and Madhurai quarrelled with 
each other, the former took refuge in the house of 
Syad Ghulam-Mahya-ud-din, and the latter, aban- 
doning all hopes of safety, departed at midnight 


under the protection of the Jam&dars Ahmed 
Qor, Sheikh Sayd, Nasir Yamani, and Musa 
Muharriz Arah, through a passage dug under 
the western wall, and arrived on foot with his 
family in Vanthali, after suffering a thousand 
indignities. To punish him, the Navab dis- 
patched an invitation to the Divan Skheh Ra- 
ghunathji, who sent the author from Nagar with 
troops, whereon the Navab Saheb took his station 
beneath the fort, and Madhurai, being alarmed, 
agreed to pay a ransom in cash and evacuated 
the fort. He went a few months afterwards 
from Gondal to Baroda with Babaji Saheb, who 
had come to this country to collect the jama, 
bandi, and in course of time his previous services 
were taken into consideration by the Navab, who 
gave him the jagir and office of daftari, and as 
he had no son, his son-in-law Keshavlal received 
his appointment, which he still holds. 

In Samvat 1851 Mahadaji Sindhia procured 
a vakil's appointment for Madhurai by his influ- 
ence to the Court of the Badshah of Delhi, and 
obtained through his efforts a sanad prohibiting 
the slaughter of cows throughout Hindustan. On 
that occasion he received also a dress of honour* 
a turban plume of pearls, a bracelet studded with 
diamonds, and a necklace of the same kind ; ear- 
rings, anklets, and inkstand and pentray, a seab 
shield, sword, Arab horse, an elephant and 
howda, two elephants with drums and banners, 
and a palanquin. In the year St. 1851 also. 


Prince Bahadur Khan Bahadur Babi, of exalted 
fortune, was born ; of his mother Rajkunwarba 
on Jeth wad 12th, the date of his birth is 
embodied in the wordj^^J^ May God grant him 
long life. 

The DivInship of KalyIn Se^h. 

When Madhurai his rival disappeared, Kalyan 
Seth, considering that the rose was now without a 
thorn, carried on the administration on his own 
responsibility. In Sam vat 1852 Fateh Muham- 
mad Notvar, minister of the Rao Saheb, came 
from Bhuj with a numerous army and crossed 
the Ran with the intention of ravaging Hallar. 
Accordingly Meraman Khawas invited the aid 
of a band of Afghans under Sher Jang Khan 
Aiif Khan, Zulfikar Khan, Anwar Khan, Karim- 
dad Khan, and Saheb Dad Khan, who in the 
service of Malhar Rao Gaekwar, zamindar of 
Kadi, had acquired much fame when warring 
against Srimant Rao Saheb Govind Rao Gaekwar, 
aud agreed to pay 2 lakhs and 15,000 jamis 
to them as remuneration for their services ; he 
also obtained the alliance of the Navab Saheb, 
who marched with his Arab and Sindhi Regi- 
ments under Mukhtiar Khan Babi, Jamalkhan 
Baluch, Harising Solankhi the Grasia of Bala- 
gam, the auxiliaries from Mangrol, the Qasbatis 
of Kutiana, the Kathis, and the pagadars Azani 
Beg and Jamiat Khan, and joined the Nagar 


army at the village of Dhensara, of the Ambran 


parganah. Meanwhile the army of Bhuj encamped 
Hi a distance of about half a kos from ns. I 
went with my brothers and a Risalah of troops 
as a body-guard to the Navab Saheb ; but after 
a while, Gajsing, the Rajah of Halwad and DhrAii- 
gadhra, who was a relative of the Rao, arrived i 
and by his mediation peace was concluded, the 
Divan Saheb Raghunathji representing Nagar in 
the negotiation, and Kalyan Seth Junagadh ; a 
battle being thus averted, the armies separated. 

March of the Navab Saheb against Bhav- 
na(iar, and the unsatisfactory result. 

The Navjib Saheb mqrched with his arniv 
from Dhensara against Rawal Wakhtsingh, be 
cause the Rawal had conquered the fort of 
Kundala, of which place Morarji, son of Divan 
Dulabhji, was thanadar, and had also taken 
the fort of Rajula. The Navab Saheb cap- 
tared Kanyaji Gohel in the Goghabarah, and 
ravaged the country of Bhavnagar ; thence he 
came and encamped at Chital, and collected a 
jrreat number of Kiithis and ordered a march 
with the intention of destroying Bhslvnagar. On 
the other hand Rawal Wakhtsingh also came to 
meet him, with a large and well equipped army, 
and encamped in the Dhasa plain, opposite to the 
Xavab's camp. For one whole day both armies 
wore (.'nj^agc'd and kept up a constant cannonade. 
Tlu* Naval) Saheb, considering the cowardly 
character cil" Kalynu Seth, perceived that peace 


was the only means to escape from this calamity, 
and therefore concluded it with the approbation 
of all his advisers, and agreed to receive one lakh 
and fifteen thousand Rupees, and wrote parwa- 
nahs for the forts of Kundala and RajulA, and 
})ardoned Wakhtsingh his past transgressions. To 
make his return to Junagadh glorious, the Navab 
first took possession of the fort of Maliya, which 
he conquered from the grasia Pithdyat Hathi, 
after a siege of three days. 

Thb Jaimadar Amin cannonades 

In Samvat 1854 Amin Saheb, a son of Jama- 

dar Hamid, became the Subah of Kathiawar 
^.». 1.^1 ir .,f *v,« nA«i-w«.\; ; and to avenge xiie 

blood of his father [killed by the Navab of 

Junagadh] made his appearance at Manjavadi, the 

battlements of which place he broke down with 

his cannon, and after taking treble the amount of 

the usual jamabandi according to the rules of 

of Sivnim Gardi, he departed. 

Kalyan Seth, the Baniya who had formerly been 
the modi (purveyor) of the Divan Saheb, not consi- 
dering treachery unlawful, caused Parbasankarand 
l)ay«alji, confidential servants of the Divan, to be 
killed, and thus himself became Divan; after- 
wards however he was so much harassed by the 
soldiery, who clamoured for their pay which was 
in arrears, that he spent the whole rainy season 
under a thousand difficulties in the jungle of 


Kantolia, and desired in some way or other to 
lessen the glory of Junagadh. With this view he 
incited the Navab S&heb to conquer the fort of 
Dhandhalpur, the zamindar whereof was the 
Katbi Godad Khavad, but after a siege of two 
months, he wb» forced to retire unsuccess- 
ful. When he arrived in Junagadh, the Arabs 
assaulted his house for the payment of tkeir 

The DivIn Saheb RaghunIthji is rbcalijei> 


When the Navab Saheb perceived that not one 

of the pillars of the State was able to extricate 

him from th'jn difficulty, in Sairivat 1857 he 
despatched some of them, sucn as jamiat Kban 

Shirvani, Miilchand,Hayat KhanBaluch, Amarji 
Jhala, and others to Nagar with letters to the 
.FTim Sahib Jasaji, declaring that ie would confer 
a great obligation upon the Navab by sending 
back the Divan Raghunathji ; accordingly the 
latter, although aware of his master's fickle tem- 
per, and of the envy of Wania Karsandas, of 
\agar Kahandas, Azam Beg Chela, and others, 
he took into account that sincere excuses had 
been made, and that it was his duty, whether he 
liked it or not, to comply with the wishes of his 
old master, and went to Junagadh, where hjC col- 
lected an army and took up a position at Vanthali, 
with the intention of subjugating both KutiaoA 
and Bautwa. 


I'he author had heen for two years at Porban- 
dar, to which place Prahhuclas and Kamal Chela 
were sent to recall him ; and on the occasion of 
his departure the Rana presented blin with a dress, 
a necklace of pearls, a palanquin, and a litter. 
When 1 arrived at Banawav, the cultivators 
of the Mahiari parganah complained that Kalyan 
Seth had plundered them and carried off much 
]) roper ty. To break his power I accordingly 
engaged the services of the Jamadars Muham- 
mad Nasir Boraq, Shakar Khan, Sardar Khan, 
Oulbaz Khan, Muhammad Rafia, Morad Thor, 
Murad Khan Mekrani, and many others, and en- 
camped at Meth-Kotada. Hereupon Mukhtar 
Khan Babi lost heart and came to my tent, repent- 
ing, separated from Kalyan Sefch, made peace, 
left his son's wife to the Navab, and departed for 
Bantwa after receiving a safe conduct. 

Reduction of the Fort of KutianI. 

During the 1 4th night of the dark half of Asu of 
Samvrtt 1857, I placed ladders against the north 
wall and entered thefort of Kutiana withtheAfghan 
and Arab Jamadars and the Sipah Salar Prabhu- 
das NAgar. Kalyan Seth, however, came to meet 
us, was defeated and besieged in the Kali-kotah, 
Meanwhile the Divan Saheb Raghunathji, who 
was stationed at Wanthali and passed his time 
between fear and hope, heard of what had taken 
place and advanced. As I was harassing the 
loe with artillery from the towers and house tops 


in varioas directions, and was not ex pectin": or 
needing any assistance, he encamped with his force 
near the Bh&dar river. Three days after the Jama - 
dars Yahya and Nasir Yamani, with Gangasingh 
and Khand&n and Ghiga, Hamad Sindhi, and many 
others, sued for mercy and came out. The Divan 
Saheb left the settlement of this affair to nivself, 
and marched off with his force to collect the ja- 
inabandi, accompanied by Kiihwar Dewaji Jadcjru 
and levying peshkask as he proceeded, finally 
reached the Dhandhuka frontier, as his father had 
been in the habit of doing, and encamped in the 
T.iinbdi pargana, where he took up his quarters. 
Kalyan Sefcl), being distressed and reduced by the 
Avar, was taken prisoner with his wife and family 
on the 3rd of Magsar Sud of Samvat 1858 
and placed in confinement at Kandorna ; but 
Muharriz, the Arjxh Jamadiir, held out in the 
fort, and was suffered to depart on being paid the 
sum of 22,000 Jami koris, which was due to him 
as wages. Kalyan Seth, with his whole family, was 
conveyed to Patau Div, where the Navab Saheb 
was at that time residing- He honoured me by 
marching one kos to meet me, and made enqui- 
ries about the conquest of Kutiana, which I nar- 
rated to him in the following terms :— '* We belea- 
i|:uered the citadel during a whole month from four 
sides, and poured fire into it from cannon and 
muskets, but as it was extremely strongly built 
of hewn stone, the cannon balls took no effect. 
Accordingly I dug a mine on the east and another 


on the west, and it so happened that the latter 
was on the same spot where fornfterly the Divan 
Saheh Amarji had dug one when he besieged 
Hashim-Khan ; this mine I abandoned and filled 
the eastern mine with gunpowder, but got na 
chance to blow it up. For one night, MutM Khan 
Ma k rani set the gate of the fort on fire. 
Nexh day after battering down the battlements' 
of the fort with mv cannon, it was my intention 
to place ladders against the walls of the fort and 
to scale it Kalyan Seth, however, being unable to- 
hold out longer, hung out a flag of truce and sur- 
rendered himself with his whole family, whereon 
the fort came into the possession of this Sirkar.'* 
(hi hearing this recited, the Navab Saheb was 
greatly pleased, and extolled my bravery and 
courage ; Kalyan Seth was again delivered into my 
custody, and dying by the decree of God in prison, 
was requited for his works. The forts of Chorwadt 
and Una, hel I by Lakhmiprasad, the son of Kalyan 
Seth, were then taken possession of and surrender- 
ed by me to the officers of the Navab Siiheb ; then 
I took leave, and proceeding by quick marches, and 
chastising Anandpijr en route, I arrived at Limbdi 
and there met the DivAn Saheb Raghunathji. 
At that time (in Samvat 1858) the army of the 
Gaekwar laid siege to Kadi, and by the ititervwi- 
tion of Mir Saheb Kamal-ud-din Husainr, he o!k 
tained the aid of the English Government. Accord- 
ingly a general arrived from Bombay with cannon 
of dragon-like aspect and landed at Khambhat. At 


this time vakils arrived bn the part ot both Mal- 
tiar Rao and the Srimaiit Gaekwar to ask for aid, 
but it so happened that in our doubt as to which 
would be successful, we ended by joining neither 
and marched back to Junagadh. In fl I»ii0rt time, 
after severe fighting, the army of the Gaekwir 
conquered the fort of Kadi, Sivr&m, the com- 
mandant, and others who were in the service of 
Malhar Rao, fled and dispersed in the surroundinir 
districts, and when MalhAr Rao perceived thar 
there was no way of escape for him, he went to tlie 
tent of the general and begged for quarter ; his 
brother Hanmantrao departed to the territories ot 
Bhiij, and he himself received the parganah of Na- 
diyad from the Gaekwur government. Neverthe- 
less two years afterwards, in Samvat 18(i0, 
Malhar Rao fled to Kathiawar, where he 
engaged the services of all the desperate cha* 
racters out of employ, such as Jamadar Umar 
IlamidUmar, with other Arabs and Sindhis, and 
became the centre of rebellion and raised dis- 
turbances. He plundered the country, but the 
zamindars did nothing to defend the honour of 
the Gaekwar, and at last the army of the latter 
marched against him under the command of the 
Divan Saheb Vithal Rao, and pursuing him closely 
captured him on the plain of Bhavnagar and sur- 
rendered him to the English, who carried him to 
Bombay, where he died. 

In Samvat 1859 I was collecting tribute 
iu the parganahs^ which did not regularly 


pay tribute, and levied double the usual amount, 
when I was met in the vicinity of Dhrangdrli by 
the army of Commandant Sivram and of Han- 
mant Rao, but they were unable to hinder me in 
any way. Mukand Rao Gaekwar rebelled and 
raised a disturbance in the fort of Amreli, and 
excited a great sedition in the country. He captur- 
ed the Nagar Desayas of Wansawad and demand- 
ed from them a ransom. To punish him I march- 
ed by the command of the Navab Saheb with 
an army, and after a week's siege liberated the 
Desais and expelled Mukand Rao, who marched 
away in repentance and distress. In Sam vat 
1860 Babaji Saheb, the X7rvan or me oaek- 
war, passed through this country with an army 
numerous as locusts, and levied thrice the amount 
of money Commandant Sivram had been in the 
habit of taking. B&baji also besieged the fort of 
Vanthali for two months ineffectually. Accord- 
ingly he marched off in great dudgeon and plun- 
dered the surrounding country as far as Patau Div, 
and hindered the pilgrims from visiting Sri Som- 
natha ; the author followed him everywhere with 
a numerous army, fighting with him continually ; 
finally obtained from him all the deeds of agree- 
ment to pay tribute which he had extorted from 
the people, and taking tribute only according to 
the custom of the country, he returned. From 
the time of Babaji Saheb the tribute of this coun- 
try was raised to thrice its former amount. 

During Sam vat 1861, whilst the author 


was away as far as Rajkot and the Sarvaiya coun- 
try to collect peshkash^ Azam Beg Chela, Kar- 
sandas a Vaniya, and Kahandas induced the 
Navah Saheb to take part in carousals and drink- 
ing bouts, with music and dancing and singing) 
and administered the aiFairs of the state as Ihev 
chose, and at their instigation the Navab Saheb 
mortgaged the parganah of Kutiana to the Divan 
SAheb Raghunathji, as security for the new debt' 
often lakhs of jamis which he owed him. 

In the year 1862 Khima, Bhoja, Kama, and 
other mehtas, being disgusted with the tyranny of 
Karsandas, took refuge at Kutiana, but afterwards 
louK up a pusiLiuii at urAjihft, from which thev 
made predatory incursions. At last, after pavinc 
a fine, they were allowed to return to their former 

Mehta Revashankar bin Trikamdas, with Daya- 
ram Nagar, administered the office of Divan for 
three or four years, but only in name and under 
the dictation of Karsandas, and Azam Beg led out 
the army to levy jamabandi but did not even 
annoy an ant. This fitful and unpromising admin- 
istration lasted two or three years, and from that 
time the marching out of armies from Junagadh 
for the muhikgiri expeditions was put a stop to, 
and giving up the right of collecting the jama- 
bandi, they received a fixed amount from the 
English Government. In the year 18(54 Mehta 
Revashankar and Madhurai arrived on the part of 
the Navab Saheb at Kandoma, whilst I was hke- 


wise there paying my respects ta Colonel 
Alexander Walker. The IMfau Saheb Vithal 
Rao, who bore a grudge towards the Divan Saheb 
Raghunathji, because he had hindered Babaji 
Sfiheb from conquering the fort of Vanthali and 
from paying a visit to Somnath, and because he 
himself aspired to obtain possession of Junagadh 
and to turn out the said Divan, calumniated him 
to the Colonel Saheb ; the latter, however, being 
as it were the Nushirwan of the period, gave 
the following plain answer : — ** An explanatio» 
will be asked about the sixty lakhs owing to the 
Divan by the Navab as fixed by the Gaekwar as a 
debt, as well as about the sixteen villages proraised 
as blood ransom for the Divan Amar^fs murder 
but treacherously taken away again from him 
in the year 1849. I will also attach all the coun- 
try conquered by the efforts of the Divan Saheb 
Amarji and will hand it over to his son Divan 
Kaghunathji ; and by what sanad of the Sultan 
of Delhi is the Navab in possession of the state 
of Junagadh." When they had heard these 
words they became like flies in oil. On the festi- 
val (first) of January, Colonel Walker said to the 
Divanji Saheb Vithal Rao and to the officers of 
the Navab Saheb in a public assembly—" You arc 
the Divans of the Gaekwar Sarkar and of the 
Navfib Saheb, but this is the Divan and leader 
of our army, and whoever is his enemy is the 
enemy of the English Government/' After that 
a fine was paid by the JunAgadih State for the 


goods the pirates of NawS Bandar had rohhed 
from vessels bound to Surat and Bombay. 
Walker Saheb Bahadiir and Robertson Saheb and 
Ballantyne Saheb and others honoured the author 
by being present at naches given by him. I 
have never seen a man so high and noble-minded 
as Alexander Walker, of little speech but great 
intelligence, acquainted with the affairs of govern- 
ment, versed in all political matters, and capable 
of appreciating men of worth. He conquered the 
fort of Kandorna in half an hour, and obtained 
a share in the Porbandar customs ; he demolished 
the fort of Chayya and also put the Gaekwar 
under obligations to him. At last he went to 
Europe and left a good name behind him. 

On the 10th of Kartak Sud in Samvat 
1862, Hallaji, on account of his rebellious and 
perverse disposition, made a treaty with Colonel 
Alexander Walker after his return from an 
expedition to Okha, in consequence of which he 
ceded the moiety of the customs of that port, a» 
well as the east and north gate to the English . 
I paid my respects to the Colonel and was pre- 
sented with a dress of honour. 

On the 4th of Phalgun of the year 1807, correa- 
ponding to A.H. 1226, the Navab Saheb, the 
qibldh of the inhabitants of the world, the angelic 
tempered Hdmed Khan Babi departed this life. 
The duration of his reign was -36 years 3 
months and 5 days ; he was intelligent, sweet 
spoken, and faithful to his word, but apt to 


ehange with the times, ready to take offence, and 
slow in action. So excellent a sovereign is rarelj 
4»een in this world. 

NavIb SIheb BahIdur Khan bin Hamid 
Khan Bahadur Babi. 

This young prince with his mother Rajkiinwar 
was kept at Patan, hecanse on returning home 
after a certain marriage procession which he at- 
tended on foot in the town, an Ahyssinian hoy 
in his service placed an earthen pot full of fire- 
wood close to the Navab's -palace and setting 
fire to it fled. As the Navab Saheb experi- 
enced much inconvenience by this fire, he con- 
sidered that the boy had been instructed to act 
thus by his mother and therefore removed the 
prince to Patan. After his father's death, how* 
ever, he was brought back to Junagadh by the 
Jamadar Omar Mokhasam, Azam Beg Chelah, 
Kahandas Vaishndv, Mugatram Bakshi, JhiniL 
Mehta, and others, and ascended the throne in 
his 18th year, 9th of Phagan Sud, Samvat 1867 
<A,D. 1810). 

The Divan Saheb Raghunathji had been living 
for seven years at KQtiana ; he kept his family 
at Mangrol, and enjoyed the jagir of Ranpur 
from Nagar. But now Omar Mokhasam, Hamid 
Amru, Salim Bin Hamid, Hasan Abu Bakr, Karsan- 
das the Baniah, Kahandas Vaishnava, Mugatram 
Bakshi, Jhina Mehta, Yaghji De^, and others^ 


arrived Id Kiitiana, and with a hundred solicits- 
tions, promises, and oaths upon the Koran, and on 
Jamial Shdh Fir, carried him to Junagadh to be 
Divan. Ou his arrival the Bai S^hibah Rajktln. 
war, as well as the Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan, 
received him with great kindness, but often 
repeated that in these times the power of the 
Gaekwad and of the English Sarkar was greatly 
on the increase, moreover that the State was en- 
cumbered with a debt of a karor of jamis due 
partly to the army and partly to the mutasaddis, 
and that no other man except himself, whose 
family had occupied the Divanship for fifty years, 
could carry on the administration of the Govern- 
ment properly. The Divan Saheb Raghunathji, 
true to his salt, accepted the office in perpetuity 
for himself and his descendants. 

In Samvat 18G8 Carnac Saheb and Gangadhar 
6astri, who were both in appearance and in reality 
distinguished men of the period, arrived with an 
army and brought also Srimant Fatehsing Rao 
Gaekwar Sena Khas Khevl himself, with the Di- 
van Saheb Vithal Rno, the Jemadar Amin Saheb« 
Mir S^heb Kamalu'd-din Husain, &c. to attack- 
Navanagar, because one of the Arab Chokidars 
of the fort of M odpur had unjustly killed one of 
the English Sahebs ; but the Jam Saheb of Nagar 
was so jealous of his own rights that he refused 
to give up the murderer in spite of the pressing 
demands of the English. When the army of the 


English and of the Gaekwad departed from Nagar, 
they marched to L^lwad, which is four kos dis- 
tant from Junagadh, and encamping there set 
forth their claim for a Nazaranah from Bahadur 
Khan on account of his succession to the throne. 
On that occasion the Divan Saheb Raghuu^thji 
took care of the defences of Junagadh, and the 
obstruction of the roads, the erecting of thorn- 
thickets, and the destruction of the water-courses 
as dictated bj foresight ; but the sequel proved 
that all precautions of this kind were useless, for 
Mr. Carnac was of a kind disposition, and enmity 
was soon turned into friendship. Gangadhar Sas- 
tri took the Divan Raghunathji and the author 
to see the wedding of the daughter of Divanji 
Saheb Vithal Rao at Amreli, where they assisted 
at the festivities usual among Amirs, and received 
presents of dresses, ornaments and food — every 
guest being presented with cash and other articles 
according to his position in society; also the muta* 
saddis of the Navab Saheb's private household 
made their appearance, and came to exchange 
presents, not suspecting any harm to their master's 
affairs, they had set on foot thousands of intrigues 
against us, and considered that if a settlement with 
the Navab were to take place by the mediation of 
the Divan Raghunathji, his family would. rise in 
importance, which would be a loss to them. Ac-> 
cordingly they had brought letters from the 
Nav|lb Saheb Bahadur Khan^ addressed to the 

208 NAVAB BAHAiyUB KsSl^, 

Diyan S&he\ to Vithal RAo, to- Rnjirba> and Up 
Gangadhar Sastrs, to this effect r ** Now leaTO off 
Begotiations, as you caimot obtain what you wish 
from the Divan Saheb. I will thiak over your 
demands and at a future time obey your wishes."' 
The Divanji being thus helpless, asked foe leave. 
' Carnae Saheb and Gangadhar Sastri gave us 
much consolation and comforted us ; and if we bad 
at that time accompanied them to Baroda, we- 
should no doubt have attained to & very exalted 

When we returned to Jnnagadh we consulted 
with Rajkunwarbai whether we should agree or 
not to the Gaek war's order. She (at the insti- 
gation of her private advisers)- said with a loud 
Toice^ " We will not give even a span's breadth 
of land> but have no obj.ection to give a moderate 
nazaranah m money J* 

The Divjinji Saheb' Vithal Rao, consitJering that 
the field was bow clear, held out promises of pre*- 
sents to Jamadar Omar Mokhasam and thfr 
private Karbhnris,.and obtained a deed in wyiiting: 
giving over the parganahs of KodinAr and Amreli 
to the Gaekwar's gor\'ernment, and by degrees tbe^F 
also eneroached and got several otheo talukas ah» 
under their authority, and they completed the 
fortifications of A mrelii which had been eommene^ 
ed in the time of the late Navab Hamid Khli^. 

During Samvat 1869 (a.d.. 1'812-13) there wa» 
a severe fiEUuine ; rain did not falV and on aeopust 


of the wtfnt of grass and grain maiiy people died. 
During the preceding year, i,e, 1868, a comet 
was seen in the sky during four months ; its tail 
looked Iik« a broom turned upside down, and its 
length was ieight cubits. In astronomical books 
its desciiption is as follows : — 

Next year, that is to say in Samvat 1870, such 
a pestilence raged, that many who had survived 
the famine died of it. Sounds of wailing and 
lamentation issued from every house, and many 
corpses were left exposed in the midst of the 
baear for two or three days, so that Hindus were 
unable to burn their dead, and Musalmans to 
fihroud and bury theirs, and on the 6th of Magsar 
Sudha, also my brother, of blessed memory^ 
who was a pillar of the state, and a shining light 
in the family of Divan S&heb Amarji, whose 
name was Dalpatram, departed this life, and we 
two surviving brothers suffered much grief at his 
loss, but there is no remedy for what is pa&t. 

Affaies of the JamAdIr Omar, and his 
Expulsion by the aid jof the British, 

Aspirations to the office of Divan inflamed the 
liead of the Jamadar Omar Makhasam^ and he 
fceeame ambitious and desirous of obtaining this 
icxalted post, and therefore he enrolled th€ Jami^- 
dAr Hasan Abu Bakx ySalih Bin Abud» Salim bin 


Ham id, and others in his interests ; he obtained 
also aid and countenance from the Div^nji S&heb 
Vithal Rao, and carried on the administration of 
the Navab Saheb's government ; and got the 
control of all the thunahs into his own hands, 
but alienated the parganah of Amreli and Kodi- 
nar to the Gaekwar by way of securing his good 
graces, and with the aid and co-operation of the 
Divanji Saheb Vithal Rao most ungratefully tried 
in every way he possibly could, to injure the Divan 
Sahcb Raghunathji. 


The Divan Saheb Raghunathji went for the 
purpose of performing ablutions in the Godavar- 
Gang/i at Nasik Trimbak, whilst the author went 
on pilgrimage to Becharaji Mat«, Sidhpur and 
Ambaji. The Navab Baudah Ali Khan, zamin- 
dar of Khambhat, at Sidapet Bharoch, Resident 
Romer Saheb, Agent at the port of Surat, with 
Carew Saheb, who were all men of noble disposi- 
tion, and the rajas of every locality, received the 
Divan Saheb Raghunathji with honours, feasted 
him, and gave him escorts through their dominions. 
Carnac Saheb, who had once been our guest at 
Kutiana, said at the second interview : — "O Divan 
Saheb, you are attached to the Honourable Com- 
pany Sarkar, and you, as long as you live, and 
your children afterwards, may expect favours for a 
Jong time." In fine this Jatra cost forty thou- 


sand Rupees. Gangadhar ^astri, who had for- 
merly at Amreli kissed the feet of the Divan Saheb 
Raghunathji, and who had now gone as Vakil 
to the Court of Srimant Amratrao at Puna, sent 
him an invitation to come there, but ho meeting 
could take place on account of the hot season, 
and Gangadhar Sastri himself was killed in that 
country. "When we two brothers returned (from 
the pilgrimage) and arrived in Amreli, we thank- 
ed the Divan Saheb Vithalrao for the hospitable 
treatment we had met with at Peran Patau from 
Nagars Mugatram and Motabhai, and Nanabhai 
the Majmiidar, and from Banduji the Mukassah- 
dar, and from Bahadur Singh the wine seller. 

The Divan Saheb, unwilling to practice trea- 
chery, and out of regard to Jamadar Omar Mo- 
khusam, entered into negotiations with Ballantyne 
Saheb ; for we considered the English Govern- 
ment our protector. But he (Ballantyne Saheb) 
did not act according to his own will, but his 
mind was entirely under the influence of Sfindarji 
Khatri, and he caused the parganahs which we 
held in mortgage for the sum of 10,000 jamis and 
for the farm of which I had paid a sum of 70,000 
jamis, besides the ghanim verd, to be restored to 
the Navab. The Divan Saheb, who relied on the 
favour of the English Government, when he saw 
Ballantyne Saheb no longer showing kindness to 
him, became helpless, and was unable to offer 
any remonstrance. 

212. navIb bahadub khan. 


The fancied tyranny he did to us. 
His neck it stuck to, over us it went. 

And in exchange for those mahfils which the 
Navilb Saheb had mortgaged to us, and on 
account of which 30 lakhs of j amis were due, 
he caused to be written over to us in jagir, on the 
security of the English and Gaekwar Govern- 
ments, the four villages of Khagasri, Iswaria, 
Meswiinah, and Wadasara ; this was in Samvat 
1871 (a.d. 1814-15). 

Marriage of Sambhu Parsad. 

When the light of my eyes ^ambhuprasad, son 
of Dulpatram's wedding with the daughter of 
Avalram Ambaidas was solemnized, the Navah 
Saheb Bah&dur Khan honoured it with his pre- 
sence and came to see the spectacle in which 
various performances by male and female actors, 
musicians and singers were going on, and the place 
tvas decorated with various sorts of lamps made 
of glass, mica, coloured paper and ware, which 
transformed day into night and night into day. 
The marriage procession was escorted by a 
thousand soldiers on horseback and foot, and was 
accompanied by numerous chariots, carts and 
elephants; but the Divanji Saheb Vithal Rao 
and Ballantyne Saheb, although they had sworn 
that they would come, remained away under the 
pretence timt the impending siege of the fort of 


Kandorna was engrossing their attention. After 
the Divan Saheb Raghunathji had completed 
the nuptials of his son and performed the Maharu- 
dra Yagna, he retired from the world, and engaged 
in the worship of his God, but Jamadar Omar 
Mokhasam's enmitj towards him did not abate. 
Dismissal of the JamIdIr Omar. 

The ingratitude of Jamadar Omar Mokasam 
impelled him one day to rush with some Arab 
Jamadars into the Rnng Mahal, and to lay his 
hand on the waist of the Navab Saheb, but 
Jamadars Salim and Hasan, his faithful attend- 
ants, and excellent good fortune saved him, and 
thus Jamadar Omar's evil designs were frustrated^ 
and he was expelled from the city with contumely 
and disgrace, and commenced to strengthen him- 
self in the districts. 

The Navab Saheb, when he saw the evil designs 
and foolish ambition of the Jamadar, began to 
fear for his life, and sought aid from the Divan 
Raghunathji, both by promises and oaths, aiid 
accordingly the Divan Saheb, whose heart was 
devoted to the Navab's interests, betook himself 
to Ballantyne Saheb without the knowledge of 
the Divan Vithal Rao, who was a firm friend of 
Jamadar Omar's. Now Sundarji Khatri, who was 
a resident of Kachh and a dyer by caste, had emerg- 
ed from poverty by the aid of the holy Rames- 
war, afid first became of note in the world by 
trading in horses with the English Government* 



and had by degrees become the agent of Ballan- 
tyne Siiheb. And Ballantyne SAheb had made 
his agent, as it were, a Shiih Bala whom Hindus 
send in front of the bridal procession as it passes 
through a city, and send with him their sons 
and daughters in gorgeous array : nevertheless 
he derives no advantage from the office of 
Shah Bala nor from the borrowed clothes and 
jewels with which he is decked, except the name. 

But this Suadarji assumed the title of Subah, 
and by false and lying representations had fright- 
ened or cajoled all the world, and thus collected 
much gold. Since he was a sincere friend of the 
Divan Saheb, he made an ally of him in this mat- 
ter, and accordingly the author of this book, and 
Mugatram and Amrullah, repaired to the camp to 
see Ballantyne Saheb. At this time the xArabs 
had been expelled from Nawanagar by order of 
the English Government, and then Ballantyne 
Saheb, according to the agreement made, came 
to Junngadh with his army, and Aston Saheb, 
who was in command of the troops, entered 
the city with a body of soldiers and two 
guns, to expel Jamadar Omar. This Jamadar, 
whose prosperity was thus cut short, was thus 
expelled the city with concealed face and bare 
feet, and after a time the affairs of the Jamadars 
were settled through Ballantyne Saheb, as follows. 

Jamadar Omar was granted the villages of 
Timbdi and Piplia, and one lakh and fifty thousand 


jamis by fixed instalments. Hasan Abu Bakr 
received 40,000 Jamis (koris), and Salim Hamid 
obtained the village of Sangawara, and tHey wrote 
bills of release for the moneys due to them as 
salaries, and their vakils took their leave. 
After this the Divanship of Junagadh v^as 
again given to the Divan Saheb Raghunathji, 
through the intervention of Ballantyne Saheb, 
who informed the Navab Saheb that it was the 
order of the Sarkar Company Bahadur, that 
he should permanently fix the office of Divan 
in the family of the Divan S&heb Amarji. In 
this year the English Government conquered the 
fort of Anjar, but after some time they restored it 
to the Rao Saheb by way of form. 

Dismissal of Divan RaghunAthji, impri- 

Sundarji Khatri, who entertained ambitious de- 
signs, instilled into the Navab's mind a desire 
for the recovery of the forts of Dhorajf, Upleta, 
and Mangrol, the remission of a debt of fifty 
lakhs jamis (koris) due to the Mutasaddis^ and 
the restoration of the jngir of Bal^sinor ; in this 
manner he gained over the Navab to his side and 
alienated his favour from the Divan Saheb — 

Whoever came built him a house. 
But went again and left it to another ; 
Who likewise acted in the same manner, 
So that the habitation belonged to no one. 


In Sam vat 1874 Shekh AmrAllah, who was 
originally an indigo dyer, and who had been al- 
lowed by the deceased Divan Saheb Amarji to 
establish himself in the town, and who had by 
his trade in rich Ahmed tibadi cloths and all kinds 
of stuffs, gradually wormed himself into the Coart 
of the Navab Saheb, and into the favour of the 
Masfihebah Eaj Kunwar, succeeded at last in 
attaining the rank of companion (Musdheb) to 
the Navab Saheb, and with Mugatram Bakhshi 
was despatched through Sundarji to Ballantjrne 
Saheb with a nazarana of twenty-five thousand 
rupees in order to obtain his permission to put 
some, old M utasaddis out of the way who were 
stumbling blocks to the new Divan, and in order 
that the full and untrammelled authority of Div^ 
might devolve on Siindarji, and Ballantyne Saheb, 
who was anxious to advance the interest of 
SAndarji by every means in his power, imme- 
diately consented, and on the arrival of Amrflllah 
and Mugatram, the Navab Saheb threw Mehta 
Amarji Bin Rudraji Jhala and Mulchand Hema- 
tram Nagar into prison, on which the Sanydsis of 
Sri Trinetra Mahadeva and the wine-sellers and 
Sayyids of Jun/igadh who were their securities, 
issued forth from the city and commenced to sit in 
" dhorna."* The Navab Saheb sent out Shekh 
Amrijllah, Mian Abd-ul-Qadr, and Jhinfl Mehta, 

* This strong expression is wanting in the translatioB 
from the Gajarati. 


with Mugatram Bakhshi, to satisfy their demands, 
but as the J would not listen, he sent Shahamat 
Khan Babi, Jamal Khan Baluchi, and others, with 
armed men to the number of a hundred, to kill 
them. The Sayyids considered life sweet and 
honour bitter, accepted terms saying " we seek 
safety from God," but they shed the blood of the 
Sanyasis and wine-sellers except one of them, a 
strict performer of penance, who was dragged to 
the tjparkot and slain there. 

In fine, since Ballantyne Saheb was an accom- 
plice in this evil action, he instituted no inquiries 
regarding it, although he came often to Junagadh 
to make new arrangements ; once he even invested 
Prabhudas Nagar of Bansara with the dress of 
Divan on his promise to pay one-half of the debt 
due to the mutasaddis in eight years, by twenty 
instalments; in the same way he caused the pay 
of the sipahis to be liquidated, but Prabhudas 
was likewise unable to keep the office longer 
than a week or two* 

In Samvat 1875 (a.d- 1819), on the evening 
of the 9th Jesht Yad, such an earthquake took 
place that high edifices fell down, the surface of 
the eaVth burst, and water gushed forth from it, 
many persons were buried under ruins ; and the 
next day the earth again trembled, and it appears 
to have been an earthquake felt over the whole 

The Navab Saheb entrusted for the second 



time Ratansi and Hansraj bin Jetha Khatri with 
the collection of the jamabandi in the whole 
country of Kathiawar, which had fallen into 
arrears for ten years, in return for their aid in 
expelling Jamadar Omar, though the Divan 
Raghunathji had effected this at the cost only of 
a lakh and a half of rupees. 

Sundarji also, in his desire to obtain the office 
of Divan, caused an agreement to be made where" 
by a lakh of jamis for vakil's expenses were set- 
tied as an annual payment to the English Govern, 
ment, and as security ten villages of Jetpur and 
63,000 jamis ready money were respectively 
written over and paid, and the provisions in the 
bond regarding interest were expunged. 

The Divanship of S^^ndarji. 

Sundarji Shavji a Khatri had several times come 
with Ballantyne Saheb to Junagadh, and in Sam- 
vat 1876 he obtained the farm of all the parganahs 
from the Navab Saheb for a period of ten years, 
on condition of paying an annual sum of nine lakhs 
of jamis, besides defraying the ghanim vero, and 
Ballantyne Saheb stood security for him as to 
the Divani, and although the said Sundarji had 
formerly sworn that he would protect the Divan 
Saheb Raghunathji, he on this occasion entirely 
omitted to do so, and even contributed to his being 
dismissed. Sundarji left his nephew Hansraj 
at Junugadh itself to conduct aifairs, and admi- 


nistered the state under the protection of Ballan- 
tyne Saheb. In this year the latter also issued a 
proclamation that the Sarkar Company Bahadur, 
after fighting with him, had extinguished the 


Government of Srimant Baji Rao the Peshwa, 
which had lasted during one hundred and twenty 
years at Puna, and had on several occasions van- 
quished the imperial troops (of the Emperor of 

Death of the Divan Saheb Raghunathji. 

In Sariivat 1875, on Asso Sud 10th, the Divan 
Saheb Raghunathji, successor to the Divan 
Amarji, departed to Kailasa, at the age of 56 years, 
and many persons who had enjoyed of his 
bounty for a long time were much distressed. He 
was a worshipper of Sankara, liberal, brave, up- 
right, veracious, skilled in business, protector of 
the raiyats, in military affairs, in the mulukgiri 
expeditions, and in manoeuvering the army he 
cannot be said to have been inferior to the late 
Amarji. The world bewails his loss, and at 
Benares several Sanyasis subsist comfortably at his 
expense. He built the temple of Sri Budhabawa, 
mentioned in the account of Mangrol, as well as 
the bathing kund called Sarasvati kund, and a 
dharamsala at Pa tan, and he caused Gayatri 
purshackaufi to be performed, and the pilgrims 
who resort to Benares enjoy the allowance of food 
he has made for them. 


Wedding of Kesarb^i. 

In Samvat 1876 Kesarbai, daughter of the 
Rao of Kachh and sister of Rao Saheb Bhara, 
the Raja of Kachh- Bhuj, was married by the 
Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan, Bahadur Babi, on 
which occasion the gates of Hberality were opened 
to the inhabitants of the world and presents were 
made to dancers, singers, courtesans, story-tellers, 
Bhats, Charans, Faqirs, Sayyids and Sheiks of the 
surrounding districts. Ererybody obtained more 
than he expected, and many presents consisted 
of ready money, goods, horses, camels, and rings 
for feet and hands, made of gold and jewels. 
Eatables were also distributed, with opium, 
(drinks) of various kinds and medical confections. 
Betelnuts, cardamoms, cloves, and spices were 
distributed in such quantities that the poor folk 
sold them in the bazar. From Kachh, furniture 
was brought with a female elephant, horses, 
camels, chariots, cows, sheep, male and female 
slaves, clothing articles of gold embossed with 
jewels, some of cast and some of hammered gold, 
and the articles of furniture amounted in value to 
five.lakhs jami koris. 

After Ballantyne Saheb, Barnwell Saheb, with 
Chotalal, a Gujarati Nagar, who was his divan, 
came as Political Agent in Kathiawar, and as he 
happened to be near Jetpur, he came to the 
marriage-feast at Junagadh on the invitation of 
the Navab Saheb, on which occasion Hansraj 


(nephew of Sundarji Khatri), made himself very 
useful by his activity. The above lady lived only 
four years after her marriage. 

Interviews v^tith the General Saheb 
(Governor Elphinstone). 

In Saihvat 1876 (a.d. 1820) the marriage of 
the daughter of Dalpatram was celebrated, as 
well as the vastu (opening) ceremonies, which 
were performed in the temple of Sarasvati, at 
the gate of Hatakeswar Mahadev and the four 
temples built around it. Since, however, I was 
vexed with the Navab Saheb, and as Hansraj 
was my enemy, and as Ballantyne Saheb con- 
nived at his conduct and did not reprove him, I 
went there with my full train to Gogha. There- 
fore the author departed with his followers to 
meet Governor Elphinstone Saheb, who had re- 
cently arrived there. The Governor Saheb was 
so polite as to advance forty steps from his 
private tent to meet me, and on taking leave he 
accompanied me one hundred steps. Seven 
chairs were placed for my companions and vakils, 
and on three occasions he conversed privately 
with me in a separate apartment in the Persian 
language for three hours with great kindness and 
condescension. What words shall I use to express 
my thanks to so noble and exalted a personage, 
who was moreover wholly independent in the 
conduct of affairs, and the like of whom I never 
saw nor heard of. This world changeth and 

A A A 


passeth nway. He departed and left a good 
name behind him. When I went away he 
assured me of the friendly disposition of the 
English Sarkar, and told me to be under no ap- 
prehensions of injury from any of the rulers 
of this country, and presented me with costly 
dresses of honour. After my return to Junii- 
gadh, I completed the marriage ceremonies of 
Kasiba (the daughter of Dalpatram) together 
with the repast, she being weighed with gold and 
silver in the handsomest manner. This took 
place on Maha wad 5^th, September 18/7. 

Capture and Release of Grant SIheb. 

When the Grasia prevailed, Bawa Wiila, a 
Kathi, captured Grant Saheb on the Kodiuar 
road, and carried him off into the hills, whether he 
would or no, as his guest, and for several days took 
him about the forest and jungle. On that occa- 
sion (Major) Barnwell Sfiheb, who was coming 
this way, wrote a letter from Ahmadabad to the 
author without any previous acquaintance, and 
merely on the strength of my friendship towards 
the Sarkar Company Bahadur, requesting me to 
effect the release of Grant Saheb. I immediately 
despatched one or two men to the outlaws, and 
they brought me a letter from Grant Saheb from 
that place, but as I possessed no acquaintance 
with the English language, I had recourse to 
Bhavanidas, the Munshi of Ballantyne Saheb, 
who informed his master of the matter. The 


Saheb, afraid lest I should effect his release and 
thus gain renown, sent Hansraj with numerous 
troops, both horse and foot, and obtained the re- 
lease of Grant Saheb from captivity in >xchange 
for the parganah of Visawadar, and in course of 
time Bavawala, son of RAning, himself was killed 
by some of his enemies and Visawadar reverted 
to its lawful owners. 

ExpuLfSiON OF Mr. Anderson from Dwarka, 
AND Punishment of the Waghers by the 


Handy Saheb (Anderson) and Muhammad 
Atti Mullah were the Thanahdars of the Com- 
pany at Dwarka and Beyt, but the Waghers and 
Sangram Raja of Beyt rebelled and ignominiously 
expelled them from the fort. In vain did Mu- 
hammad Ata Mullah shake his beard, the cow^ 
worshipping "Waghers gave them no time to put 
their shoes on^ plain daylight became as dark to 
them as a midnight of the rainy season, and with- 
out reflecting on the disgrace, both Handy Saheb 
and Muhammad Ata Mullah came and paid their 
respects to Ballantyne Saheb at Junagadh. 
Shortly afterwards the English army went and so 
chastised the Waghers, that many of them were 
precipitated into the bottomless pit of annihilation. 
Raja Sangram was captured and safely brought 
to Surat, and was afterwards sent back to his 
country again with a small pension and bound 
over to keep the peace ; and they slew Mulu 


Manik and many other Waghers in the Gomti 
river, and the survivors were treated mercifully 
and granted their former jagirs, and this mahal 
was bestowed anew on the Gaekwar. 

Chastisement of the Khuman KIthis bY 

THE British. 

Jogidas and Hfido Khuman and others had 
for a long time been in outlawry in the country 
of Rawal Wakhtsingh, who called the English 
armv to his aid. It was under the command of 
Stanhope Saheb, and although its movements 
were rapid, no stop could be put to the depreda- 
tions of the rebels, who were at last subdued by 
the skill of Barnwell Saheb. He being a man of 
experience, able to impart wisdom to Loqman, he 
took into custody some Kathis of JetpAr, who 
were relations and securities of those outlaws, and 
Chela Khachar of Jasdan and Harsur Wala of 
Bagasrfi, and Danta Kotila the zamindar of Dedan, 
and imprisoned them and attached their estates. 
He also took possession of the fort of Jetpur and 
compelled them to produce and surrender the 
Khumans, whom in Samvat 1882 he handed over 
to Rawal Wajesingh (of Bhaonagar), and then he 
restored Jetpilr, Bagasra and Jasdan to their 
former lords. 

Barnwell SAheb, one of whose innate qualities 
was to bestow favours, procured for the author in 
Samvat 18/8, the farm of the talukas of RaJKot 


and Sardar, to be held for seven years (for a fixed 
rent), and in Sam vat 1880 he procured for me 
the farm of Dhoraji and Upleta, and Mehta 
Amarlal and Raghunathji Vasavada were appoint- 
ed managers on my behalf. 

In Saihvat 18/9 Sfindarji Khatri, who had just 
returned from a pilgrimage to Hardwar, died at 
the port of Mandvi in his own house. His nephews 
Hansraj and Ratansi, who managed the affairs of 
Junagacjh and of Bhuj, in the pride of their pros- 
perity, cared very little for the Navab Saheb or 
the Jam Saheb, they sat on an equality with them 
inthedarbar, and tyrannically robbed the helpless 
raiyats of much gold, and despised the Nagars 
now when their patron (Ballantyne Saheb) 
was removed from Kathiawar and obtained an 
appointment at Sadra as Political Agent, and as 
the Navab was not successful in regaining the 
jagir of Balasinor, of which Sundarji had held 
him out hopes, and on which account Sundarji 
had taken from him much cash, articles of value 
and beautiful horses ; in consequence of this a great 
enmity sprang up between them and Leeson 
Saheb, and Anderson Saheb giving Hansraj an 
agreement from the Navab to pay his demands 
by instalments, expelled him from the town. On 
hearing this, his brother Ratansi came from Bhuj 
and spent much money, but could not make 
peace between them. And if the English had 
not been their securities, they would have fared 


ill. Immediately after his expulsion from Juna- 
gadh, HansrAj obtained from the Jam Saheb the 
farm of the Nawanagar estate for a period of ten 
years, in consideration for an annual payment of 
seventeen lakhs and thirty thousand jami koris, 
and he received much assistance from Barnwell 
S<\heb. Ilansraj and Devshi claimed from the 
Jam ' twenty-eight lakhs of jami koris on ac- 
count of the nazarana of eight lakhs and fifty 
thousand rupees which they had agreed to pay 
the English Government on account of Jodia and 

In Sam vat 1885, when Blane Saheb was ap- 
pointed Political Agent, who could not distin- 
guish between truth and falsehood, and who was 
of a very harsh and self-willed disposition, Hansraj 
lost much both by the farm and his other ac- 
counts. In short, he was disgraced, and since he 
had been occupied in farming and managing dis- 
tricts, his private trade had passed to other hands. 
The crow, in trying to walk like the partridge, 
forgets his own mode of progression. Mr. Blane 
now rooted out all the Khatris and withdrew the 
security and promises of the Company Bahadur 
both from them and others in the Kathiawar 
zillah, who had been relying in safety on the 
ICnglish Government. 

Afterwards, since the change of Barnwell Saheb, 
the officials of the English Government who 


have come to this zillah (whether Europeans or 
Hindus) are indeed our friends, but not the friends 
of justice. 

Expect not fidelity from bulbuls, 
They every moment other roses court. 


Ahmad Khan Faqir. 

Kesarabui, the sister of the Rao Saheb Bhara 
and spouse of the Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan, 
departed about this time to the regions of 

Ahmad Faqir, a disciple of Mohkim-ud-din Pan- 
jabi, happened by the decree of God to ingratiate 
himself so much with the Navab Saheb that 
he began soon to address him as his spiritual 
director and his aibfah, politely bowing to him 
all the while in every conversation ; by degrees 
however Makdhum Mian Chishti Ismail Khan, 
Sayvid Karwa, and Fateh Khan entered into aeon- 
spiracy to ruin him. They brought Devasi bin 
Sundarji, who possessed the nature of a devil, with 
Sundarji Sangvi, who excelled Kalelah and Dem- 
iiah in acuteness, and Sayyid Karwa from Rajkot 
to Junagadh, and induced them to murder Ahmad 
Khan (because he had been concerned in th^ 
dismissal of Seth Sundarji from the Karbariship 
of Junagadh). The murder of Ahmad.Khan was 
perpetrated on the 4th Muharram a.h. 1240 
(Sam vat 1880), and as a punishment for it, Che- 


lah Esmayl Khan and Kadava were one year 
afterwards expelled from the town ; Makhdiim 
Chisith was, after a captivity of one year, com- 
pelled to pay a fine of sixty thousand jami (koris), 
and after giving securities, was allowed to depart 
to Nagar ; but Fateh Khan suffered capital 

Events of Samvat 1880. 

The General Saheb met the Navab Saheb (in 
Samvat 1880) at Katharota, and as the author 
was farming the revenues of Dhoraji and Upleta, 
he also obtained the felicity of an interview on the 
l4thof Mahavad. 

After the murder of Ahmad Khan, his son 
Yusuf Khan received two villages as an inam 
from the Navab Saheb, and went to his watan, 
but Devasi Seth returned unsuccessfully to Raj- 
kot; but Mian Hasan bin Nathu Mian, who was 
also one of the disciples of Mohkim-ud-din, at- 
tained the dignityof spiritual director to the Navab, 
and gained over Sundarji Sangvi to his side, and 
administered the affairs of State on his own account. 
Meanwhile Mi^n Kamar-ud-din, the successor of 
Bara Saheb, who had been the spiritual guide 
fjoir] of the Babi dynasty, fell into neglect ; and 
the Navab Saheb became very fond of listening 
to songs and music, of dancing, drinking, eating 
forbidden things, associating with rosy- cheeked 
women, and attending combats of buffaloes and 


rams ; often changed his servants, and allowed 
Hasan Miyan and his vakils to administer the 
affairs of State sitting in some shop in the bazar. 
Lastly, Lakshmidas Seth, Khushal Chamanrai, 
and Bhfipat Rai Desai, and Govardhan Sefch and 
the sipahis who were followers of Ahmad Khan, 
were kept for two months in prison. 

Mehta Govindji bin Amarji bin Rudraji Jhala, 
a Nagar, was formerly the Mutasaddi of Man- 
^rol and Kesod. Ahmad Khan, considering 
him a fit puppet, caused him to be appointed 
Divan in Saihvat 1881, but he administered affairs 
dishonourably, and thought solely of amassing 

Highway robbers from their haunts about 
Mount Girnar, infested the parganahs of Halar and 
Dhoraji, the inhabitants of which they plundered^ 
They also ravaged the place of the Atits of Sri 
Trinetra Mahadeva, which from ancient 
times is the ornament and honour of this country, 
and under the direction of Ahmad Khan, Hamir 
the Sindhi robber got hold of many lakhs worth 
of plunder from the monastery. Kaliangar, the 
helpless m^hant of this monastery, being reduc- 
ed to great distress by these depredations, pre- 
ferred his complaints to Captain Barnwell, but 
the sowars of the Navab Saheb, with several 
Atits who had a dispute about their hereditary 
property, pursued him and brought back Kali- 
angar, having captured him near Dhoraji. 


These complaints Barnwell Saheb sent me 
from Dhoraji. I at once sent a hundred men to 
their aid, and rescuing Kaliangar from Jamna- 
war, where he was kept a prisoner, I sent him to 

Barnwell Saheb, being apprised of these disturb- 
ances, despatched Captain Wilson Saheb with a 
regiment to overawe Junagadh, in the vicinity 
whereof it remained encamped for two or three 
months, and at last the Navab Saheb went him- 
self in person toWanthali, agreed to restore 
the property taken by the robbers (from the tem- 
ple) and to pay a fine of six lakhs and eighty-five 
thousand jami koris. 

At that time the news arrived that English 
troops from Madras and Calcutta were invading 
the K a m r u p country, known as Barma, and 
situated between Calcutta and China, where the 
inhabitants profess the Buddhist religion. At the 
first battle, the army took possession of R a n g u n, 
but on account of the great mountains, brambles, 
sorcery, epidemic diseases, and the consequent 
difficulty of carrying on war, they returned after 
having conquered a portion of that country. 

Ranjit Singh the Sikh first conquered 
Multan and afterwards Kashmir and Atak by the 
strength of the sword ; he had also occupied Kabul 
and Peshawar, but was unable to keep them. 

Some freebooters of the Miyana people of 
Sindh invaded Kachh under their commander 
Fateh Ali, who on hearing that the English Sarkar 


intended to march troops against him, despatched 
his vakils to Bombay and sued for peace. 

In Samvat 1881 so great a famine raged, that 
beasts went in search of grass to the meadows of 
the king of death, and many human beings died 
from want of bread and emaciation. In this year 
also the excellent and high-minded youth Sambhu- 
prasad, who was the shining lamp of us three 
brothers, withered away from the fierce wind of 
death on 5th of Jeshth sudh ; but man is unable 
to contend with fate. 

In the year 1882 Govindji Jhala (whom Ahmad 
Khan had always been in the habit of addressing 
insultingly and replying to reproachfully, and who 
had, moreover, fallen into disgrace and oblivion 
like an owl), now after the murder of Ahmad 
Khan, and through the recommendation of 
Barnwell and Blane Sahebs, as well as by the good 
pleasure of the Navab Siheb, obtained for the 
second time a contract for the farm of the reve- 
nues of Junagadh for ten years under the guarantee 
of the Company Bahadur. Some time afterwards* 
however, the Navab Saheb was displeased because 
the raiyats were oppressed by Govindji Jhala, and 
at the advice of Hasan Mian Darvesh, he des- 
patched Latif Miyan BAkhari and Sayyid-walan 
Miyan from Kodinar as his vakils to Bombay, for 
the purpose of complaining and making the SarkHr 
acquainted with all the doings of Govindji Jhal&, 
and the author was likewise sent for to the Nav&b 
Saheb' s presence. 


At the time of the marriage of Lakshmisankar, 
the light of my eyes and son of Samhhuprasad, 
the Navab Saheb Bahadur Khan conferred an 
everlasting honour on me by making his appear- 
ance in the assembly, and Langford Saheb, al- 
though he had but recently arrived, was never- 
theless, by his innate generosity, impelled to be 
present. Langford Saheb was very painstaking, 
and so valiant that his mere arrival was sufficient 
to put a stop to robberies, and his praiseworthy 
behaviour is deserving of the thanks of all the 
people, whose unfortunate fate it was that he 
departed soon ; but I heard that on account of 
the jealousy of some English SAheb he did not 
prosper in the service of the Company Bahadur. 

In course of time Hasan Miyrm again became 
reconciled to Jhala Govindji, and he again made 
peace between him and the Navab Saheb. 

After the death of the wife of Barnwell Saheb 
he was much grieved and departed to the Cape, 
whence he proceeded in Sam vat 1885 to England 
by the permission of Governor Malcolm, whilst 
Blane Saheb, who had been a subordinate of his,, 
took his place after he had departed, and substi- 
tuted for the patience and good manners of 
Barnwell Saheb, his own silly talk and ill-humour. 
At last, however, he had an attack of erysipelas, 
for the purpose of curing which — nay, rather ta 
cure the heart-ache of the poor raiyats of Sorath 
— he departed to Surat, and thence to Europe. 

In Samvat 1886, when Blane Saheb became 

navIb bahadub ehan. 233 

ruler over the country, he did Dot allow the 
justice of the English Sarkar to take its 
course, so that the people were distressed and 
sent their complaints to Bombay, but on account 
of Newnhara Saheb's friendship for Blane Saheb 
no one would listen to them, and on account of 
the departure of Governor Elphinstone Saheb 
BahAdur — may his prosperity endure for ever — 
also a great calamity befell those who sought 
redress for their grievances. Thus, for instance, 
the vakil of the author, although he had a personal 
interview with the Governor Malcolm Saheb and 
wrote several petitions, yet never received any 
reply. However, what has happened has hap- 
pened, and now I have but a short time to live. 

On the occasion of the marriage of the Jam 
STiheb Ranmalji to the daughter of Raval 
Wajesingh, raja of Bhavnagar, the author sent a 
troop of fifty sowars and a chariot with Lakshmi- 
sankar and Sankarprasad, who were during two 
months and a half treated in the kindest manner 
by the Jam Saheb — may God increase his pros- 
perity ! Their return cheered my saddened heart. 
Now, oh Ranchorji, give up telling these idle 
tales. The world is nothing but a dream or 
passing thought- They who have died have left 
nothing behind them but a name. I also must 
die and leave all, and nothing but a good name 
endures for ever. Be satisfied, then, be satisfied 
with contemplating the perfections of that God 
who i& everlasting, immoveable, and immortal. 


End of the History of JunCigadh. 

The following additional circumstances I add 
to this hook. 

In Sarhvat 1885 L^dunath Jogi, whom the Raja 
Mansinghji of Marwar considered his spiritual 
preceptor, came to adore Gorakhuath, accom- 
panied by a band of three or four thousand horse- 
men and footmen and tents and cannon. He 
went toGorakhmadi with 200 chosen camel 


sowars, and performed the requisite circumambu- 
lations of the shrine, and bringing Piarnfith, the 
abbot of that place, with him to Junagadh, he 
presented him with an elephant and then he 
returned to his own country ; but when he reached 
the zillah of Becharaji on his way thither, he died* 

In Sarhvat 1890 the NavAb Saheb sent for 
Sadashiv Rao, son of the Dakhani Divan, from 
Ahmadabad by means of Nana Miyan, and went 
to meet him on his arrival as far as the Sardilr 
Bagh and handed over to him the ministry. He 
also seated Sadashiv Rao beside him on his own 
elephant, and in this year (Samvat 1890) Rana 
Vikmatji came with his mother to perform the 
pilgrimage to Giruir, and had an interview with 
the Navab Saheb and presented a horse a& 
nacaranah. The Navab Saheb also visited him at 
his house, which was that of Rnghunath Rai« 
And it so befell that the Navab SAheb died 
suddenly, from a carbuncle which appeared on hia 
rump, on Wednesday, Vaisakh vad 1st, Sam. 1896^ 
correspondiDg to the 24th of Rabi-'Ul-A'wal, a.h^ 


1256. He was an excellent man, and his reign 
lasted for 29 years and 22 days, and his age at his 
death was 44 years and 10 months and 22 days. 

Note on p. 222, 

The following is Captain Grant's own narrative of 
his captivity : — 

" In 1813 I was appointed by the Bombay Govern- 
ment, at the request of Captain Carnac, Resident of 
Baroda, to the command of the naval force then 
established by His Highness the GaikvM for the 
liuppression of the Indian and Arabian pirates that 
infested the coasts of K^thiavad and Rachh. We 
captured and destroyed several ; and in 1820 they 
were so much reduced that the Gaikvdd abolished his 
naval establishment, not considering it necessary to 
keep it up any longer. I then received orders to pro- 
ceed inland from my station at Velan Bandar, or Diu 
Head, to Amrelt, to deliver over charge of my vessels 
to the Gaikvad*s Snrsubha, or Diwan, in K&thi&v&d, 
On my way I was attacked by a b&harwati, or outlaw 
Kathi, named B&vv&walla, with thirty-five horsemen. 
My horsekeeper was killed ; my munshi severely 
wounded. I could not myself make any resistance, 
having only a riding whip. 

*' On first coming up, Baw&wall4 said that he wanted 
to consult me about his affairs, and on this pretext got 
me to dismount. My people being rendered helpless, 
I was forced to remount my horse and gallop off with 
the gang, who took me into a large jungle, called the 
Gir, where I was kept prisoner on the top of a moun- 
tain for two months and seventeen days. During the 
whole of this time two armed men with swords 
drawn kept guard over me. I laid among the rocka 


drenched with rain night and day, with the exception 
of two nights, when the gang forced me to accompany 
them, and we stopped in a friendly village. In this 
expedition I was occjisionally allowed to ride, but 
always surrounded by a strong band, that made all 
attempt to escape impossible. In one village, where 
the people favoured Bawawalla, the women took my 
})art and uj)braidcd him and his men for my cruel 
treatment. Towards unfriendly villages the custom 
of the gang was to ride u}) to the gates and chop off 
the heads of little boys at play, and then go off rejoicing 
and laughing at their cursed exploits When they 
returned to the encampment after a day's murdering 
foray, the young Katlns used to boast how many 
men they had killed ; and one day I heard the old 
fellows questioning them rather particularly whether 
or not they were sure they had killed their victims. 
* Yes,' they said ; * they had seen their spears through 
them, and were certain they were dead.' 'Ah!' re- 
marked an old Kdthi, * a human being is worse to kill 
than any other animal; never be sure they are dead 
till you see the body on one side of the road and the 
head on the other.* 

" At times the Chief Bftwawall&, in a state of stupor 
from opium, wouhl come and sit by my side, and 
holding his dagger over me, ask how many stabs it 
would take to kill me. I said I thought one would 
do, and I hoped he would put me out of misery. ' I 
suppose you think,' he would answer, * that I won't 
kill you ; I have killed as many human beings as ever 
fisherman killed fish, and I should think nothing of 
putting an end to you; but I shall keep you awhile 
yet, till I see if your Government will get me back my 
property ; if so, I will let you off.' 


*' When not out plundering, the gang slept most of 
the day . At niu:ht the halter of each horse was tied to 
its master's arm. When the animals heard voices they 
tugg:ed, and the men were up in an instant. Their 
meals consisted of bajri cakes with chillis, and milk 
when it could be got. I used to have the same. 
Once or twice my servant was allowed to come to me, 
and brought the rare treat of some curry and a bottle 
of claret from Captain Ballantine. The wine B^wa- 
wall^ seized on at once, thinking it was ddru, or spirits, 
but on tasting the liquor he changed his mind, and 
spitting it out declared it was poison, sent, no doubt, 
on purpose to kill him. By way of test, I was ordered 
to drink it, which I did with great pleasure, and finding 
me none the worse, he gave up his idea of poison. 

" Among his people there were two young men who 
showed some feeling for me. One of these was sjaot 
on a pillaging raid shortly before my release They 
used to try and cheer me up by telling me I should 
be set free. Occasionally, when opportunity offered, 
they would inform me how many people they had 
l%illed, and the method they' pursued when rich 
travellers refused the sum demanded. This was to 
tie the poor wretches by their legs to a beam across a 
well, with their heads touching the water, and then 
to saw away at the rope until the tortured victims 
agreed to their demands, then the Kathis would haul 
them up, get from them a hundi or bill on some agent, 
and keep them prisoners till this was paid. 

" Sometimes they told me of their master's inten- 
tion to murder me, whicli was not pleasant. He and 
his men had many disputes about me, just as his hopes 
or fears of the consequence of my imprisonment 


" I can never forget one stormy night : they were 
all sitting round a great fire ; I lay behind them. 
Lions and wild beasts roared around us, but did not 
prevent me overhearing a debate upon the subject of 
what should be done with me. The men complained 
that they had been two months in the jungle on my 
account ; their families were in the villages, very badly 
off for food, and that they would stay no longer. 
Their chief replied : ' Let us kill him, and flee to some 
other part of the country.' To this they objected, 
saying that the £ngUsh would send troops and take 
their families prisoners and ill use them. So in the 
end it was agreed to keep me for the present. 

" My release was effected at last through our Poli- 
tical Agent, Captain Ballantine, who prevailed oo the 
Navab of Junagadh to use his influence to get another 
K&thi who had forcibly taken BawS.wall£l's parganah 
or district to restore it to him, and Bd«w&wall& thus 
having gained his object, set me free. 

" My sufl'erings during confinement were almost 
beyond endurance, and I used to pray in the evening 
that I might never see another morning. I had my 
boots on my feet for the first month, not being able to 
get them off' from the constant wet until I was reduced 
by sickness. Severe fever, with ague and inflamma- 
tion of the liver, came on, and, with exposure to the 
open air, drove me delirious, so that when let go I was 
found wandering in the fields at night covered with 
vermin from head to foot. I shall never forget the 
heavenly sensation of the hot bath and clean clothes 
I got in the tent of the Navab of Jundgadh's Divan, 
the officer who accomplished my release. The fever 
and ajrue, then contracted, continued on me for five 
years, and the ill effects still remain, my head being 


at times greatly troubled with giddiness, and I have 
severe fits of ague : my memory also is much aifected, 
but I can never forget the foregoing incidents, though 
it is now upwards of fifty years since they occurred.* 

•* G. Grant. 

" Barholm House, Creetown, N.B., April 1871." 

* From General Sir G. LeGrand Jacob' ■ We$tern India^ befor* 
and during the Mutiniei, pp. lOSfT. 




H ^ 1 u r is a separate country. Although it is 
not included among the tributaries of the Sorath 
Sarkar, nevertheless the imperial functionaries 
came from Junagadh to Nagar to levy the tribute 
and the Badshahi vero. The talukas of D h r o 1 
and R a j k o t and the villages of the G o n d a 1 
estate, pay khiraj, since the time of Sher Khan, 
who had the title of Bahadur Khan, and the 
Divan Saheb Amarji, and I will relate to those who 
care to listen to such histories some account of 
those places. 

Concerning the JIm. 

In past times the Khnlifah of Baghdad, 
Hajjaj by name, led an army against Sindh in a 
religious war. In this campaign Dharasena, the 
Brahman chief of the province of Thatha, was 
slain in battle, and the Muhammadan religion 
was established by force and violence throughout 
the country of Sindh. They who did not wish 
to adopt the new religion and yet were not suffi- 
ciently strong to oppose it, agreed to submit, and 
after the rule of the Sumras, Anirao Sama became, 
in St. 1340 (a.d. 1283-84), the ruler of Sindh. 
Of these, the Jadeja Rajputs, who originally are 
of the Jadav stock, entering the country of Kachh, 
conquered Bhuj by force of arms, and residing 
there, ruled the country and erected numerous 
forts in all directions, and one thousand, four 


hundred, and forty villages are within their rule. 
Jam Lakhan brought the whole of Kachh under 
his rule ; but since I am the historian of H a 1 a r, 
I will begin with Jam R a y a 1, the founder of 

Jam L a k h a crossed the Ban from Bhadres- 
yar, which was his capital, with a powerful army. 
The raja of S r a fc h came to oppose him, but the 
Jam defeated him and drove him back. At this 
time Sultan Bahadur Shah, summoned the Jam 
to his presence, and placing him in command of 
his own army, sent him to conquer Pawagadh, 
which he did, and as a reward for it, was present- 
ed with the parganas of Kiina^, Ambaran, with 
1 2 villages in each, and Morbi. The Jam Lakha 
offered for this a nazar of some Kachhi horses 
and one hundred Ashrafis, and marching back to 
his country was treacherously slain near a place 
called Ambaran, by the zamindar thereof, whose 
name was Tamachi Deda, and who committed 
the deed like a robber by entering his tent in 
the middle of the night. 

His son Jam R a v a 1, to avenge his death, slew 
Tamachi and then killed Parmal Ch^vada, and 
took Dhrol, and Haradhol, after slaying also Nag 
Jetliva, took possession of N a g n a h, near N a v a- 
nagar. Then he devoted himself during sixteen 
years to the cultivation and settlement of his 
country. He also conquered the town of B a k o t a* 

Jam R a V a 1 bm Lakha bin Haradhol slew his 
uncle Hamir, and himself ascended the throne. 


On account of this wicked deed his subjects, amirs, 
and relatives hated him, and Rao K h e n g a r, the 
son of Hamir, desirous to avenge the murder of his 
father, called to his aid Sultan Mahmud Gujar&ti, 
which compelled Jam R a v a 1, when the Muham- 
madan army was approaching, to seek the protec- 
tion of Asapuri Mata. He was thinking of making 
an offering of his own head to the Mata, whose 
shrine is as glorious as heaven, when he heard the 
voice of an invisible angel exclaim — 

*' To thee do I the land of Halar give, 
From thee the land of Kachh I take." 

Encouraged by this message, he collected his friends 
and followers, who amounted to nearly a hundred 
thousand and were of various Rajput tribes, such 
asJadeja, L4dak, Ohudhan, Dheman« 
Charan, Dal, and W a g h e r, with whom he 
crossed the Salt- Ran and encamped before Morbi, 
on this side of the Ran, which had been given to 
his family on account of the conquest of Pawagadh 
and the surrender of Sultan Muzaffar bv R^o 
Bhara, and advancing thence he halted in the 
parganahs of Ambran, Balambha, and Jodia. 

The whole of the province was in the hands of 
different rajas. The Jefchwas ruled as far as 
N a g n a h, distant about a kos from Nagar ; the 
Dodas and Chavada Rajputs prevailed as far as the 
Machhu River ; and the rule of the V ad he I 
Rajjiuts, as zamindars, extended to the village of 
Khambhrdiya ; and as far as Kalawad was pos- 


sessed by Kathis under Junagadh ; and all plun- 
dered in every direction for several years. 

As all the zamindars united to oppose him, 
Jam Raval marched against them, and drew up 
his van, centre, rear, and right and left wings in 
an excellent manner, and selecting a favourable 
moment to engage, he said to his comrades, " I 
will this day place my head under a crown or 
under a sword." Then after strenuous efforts and 
the display of great bravery and activity, he gained 
the day, driving back the Kathis to the river 
Bhadar, and the Jefchwas to the salt creek of 
Bhokira, and the Dedas and Chavadas to the river 
Machhu, and he forced the Vadhels to cross the 
Okha Ran, and thus obtained the country without 
any shareholder or partner. 


" The land is a tablecloth which belongs to 
whom God willeth, 

And at this table both friend and enemy may 

Founding of the City of NavInagar. 

The city of Navanagar was founded on 
Wednesday, the 8th of the light half of Sravan, 
in Samvat 1596, on the banks of the Rangamati 
and Nagamati rivers, at a distance of two kos from 
the ocean, during the reign of the Emperor 
Humuiyun of Delhi and of Sultan Mahmud bin 
Muhammad Shah, of Gujarat. 


At that time Sultan Ahmad laid siege to 
Junagadh; andRao Man dlik, beingoccupied 
with his own troubles, was not able to attend to 
anything else. In course of time the city began to 
prosper, and all kinds of artisans crowded to it. 
At present it is celebrated for its various textile 
fabrics, such as turbans, head-dresses, dhotis, and 
petticoats, which are exported to different countries 
by merchants. Here also silk stuffs, like those 
made at Ahmadabad and Surat, called maahru^ 
atlas, and pdnchpatd, are produced. Here also 
painters, dyers, workers in shells, engravers, em- 
broiderers, and tailors produce exquisite articles. 
This place abounds with kitchen and flower gar- 
dens ; and in the latter also plants are reared from 
which essential oils and perfumes, e,ff. attar and 
water of roses, champeli and moghara, are prepared 
and in great quantities exported to distant countries. 
In the bazar all kinds of produce, green and dry, 
living and dead, is exposed for sale. 

Here are Br^hmans who read the Fedas, and 
are distinguished by science, virtue, and kindness ; 
they are preachers, readers of the Purdnas, per- 
form religious ceremonies, and the Agnihotri 
sacrifice. Among the other inhabitants the 
Bohoras, Khattris, and Bh^tias engage in their 
respective occupations, whilst the Seiis, Malik s» 
Rajput Jhalas, and Sodha Yatandars constitute a 
most respectable portion of the community. 

The chief ornaments of this place are the 
temples of Naganath, Bhidabhanjan, Jagannutha^ 


Hat-keBvar, Jdmnatha, RanchodrM, and KaU 
lyanji, the monastery of the Gokali Gosains, and 
the temples of the Jains and tombs of many 
Bohoras. The talao called Jamsar, to the west of 
the city, is always overflowing with sweet water. 
Four kos from the city on the seashore is the 
temple of Roji Mata, which is both strong and 

The inhabitants all dress well, have a pleasing 
complexion, are intelligent, and the beauty of the 
woriten is so seductive, that even his lordship the 
Q^zi and the Sheikh-al-Mashaikh agitate their 
beards and sing the following Ghazal aloud :-— 
The dead why worship ? Purity is here ; 
Why doubt ? come to the Ka'bah, God is here ; 
The Kabah, but of stone and loam you see. 
Now come, adore an idol : here it is, — 
I searched the world's book*case from leaf to leaf, 
I saw your mark, and said this is my hope* 
The Kabah and the Zem-4em was a trope, 
Its truth a pure heart is, such is my hope. 
When God did give to man a shape, his own. 
He said : — How pure his heart, our place is here, 
III this garden I am each blossom's friend, 
Here hope to find the scent of amity, 
To this threshold bow your head, O Ahmad, 
Because each king a beggar here becomes. 

According to the saying ** the people follow 
the religion of their kings," the adherents of 
Islam generally shave their beards, abandon the 
worship of tombs, throw about colour at the Holi, 


and use the Ram-Ram salutation. Lastly, the 
city of Nagar is the ornament of the whole State, 
and is under the special protection of Sankar, who 
is the giver of all good gifts, Hardholji, brother of 
Jam Raval, who slew Dhamal Chavada, colonised 
the town of Dhrol. 


Jam Raval bin LIkhI bin Hardhol. 

This Jam was well known for his liberality, and 
reigned twenty-one years . His eldest son, Jayaji, 
lost his life by falling from a horse in the plain, 
near Roji Mata's temple. Jayaji*s son Lakha, who 
was still a minor, received the parganah of Khilos 
in giras, and his uncle V i b h a j i became raja. 

JIm VibhIji bin Jam RIval. 

This prince began to reign on the 11th Kartik 
sud, Sam vat 1618 (a. d. 1561), and died seven 
years and three months afterwards. 

JIm Satrasal bin Vibhaji. 

Jam Satrasal binVibhaji ascended the masnad 
of his father in Snmvat 1625, on the 14th of Maha 
vad, and was allowed to coin money by Sultan 
Muzaffar, whose name it bore ; but he ordered it 
to be called Mahmudi, after his father. The per- 
mission was obtained in the following way : — On 
a certain occasion the Jfim presented a rupee to 
the Sultan with a kori as nazaranah, and said : — 
"In the same way as the dignity of rajas is aug- 
mented by giving their daughters to His Majesty 
the Sultan, so I wed my * K^nwari ' to this rupee 
in the hope that her honour will increase. " The 
Sultan was pleased with this sally, issued the 


permission for coining this money, and ordered it 
to be called kunwari in the Hindu language, and 
by the mispronunciation of the vulgar, it is now 
called kori. It is said that Jam Sataji lived and 
ruled with independence, pomp, and splendour. 
During his time, Daulat Khan, son of Amin 
Khan, theMutasaddiof Junagadh, revolted from 
the Padshah Akbar of Delhi, who despatched an 
army to coerce him, which arrived at the fort of 
Junagadh, and when Daulat Khan was bard pressed 
he begged aid of Jam S a t a r s a 1. The Jam Saheb, 
whose fortune was in the ascendant^ and who 
was desirous of an opportunity like this, sent his 
Kunwar Bharaji and Bhaiji Dal and Jasa Vazir 
and Loma Khuman the Kafchi, with 12,000 brave 
R{ij put horsemen to his aid. When the army of the 
Jiim had camped at Majevadi, about four kos from 
Junagadh, Daulat Khan became alarmed, and 
began to think that it was not wise to trust to 
those who were desirous of gaining land, lest — 
God forbid — they should enter the city, and he 
should afterwards be unable to make them leave it. 
He therefore made apologies to his ally, whom 
he informed that he intended to negotiate for 
peace with the imperial army, and requested him 
to return to his own country. This news was 
most unpalatable to Kunwar BharAji, who at once 
attacked the Delhi army on his own account, 
defeated it, and took a large booty, consisting of 
52 elephants, 3,530 horses, 70 palanquins, many 
tents, cannon, and ,all kinds of arms. The 


next day he marched against Daulat Khan, -^ho 
had broken his word, and who was so unable to 
offer resistance that he sued for peace through 
the Sayyids andBhats, and obtained it on giving up 
the parganahs ofChur, Jodhpur, and B h o d^ 
containing 12 villages each. In this way he averted 
further misfortunes from himself. At this time 
Sultan Muzaffar Gujarati was fleeing from the 
Emperor Akbar*s army and arrived in the country 
of Sorafch, with a view of obtaining aid from Jam 
Sataji, Daulat Khan, and Raja Khengar, who was 
the aamindar of Sorath ; and raised an army from 
them of 30,000 cavalry and 20,000 infantry, 
and created confusion in the district near Ahmad-> 
abad. On this occasion the Khan AzamGokal- 
ta sh was appointedjin place of the Khan Khanan 
as the Subahdar of Ahmadabad. He marched to 
encounter Muzaffar, and encamping at Viramgam, 
he despatched Naurauz Khan with Sayyid Kasim 
and troops to Morbi, whence they sent letters to 
the Jam to the effect that he should expel Sultan 
Muzaffar from his couatry. The Jam however had 
the honour of his army too much at heart to 
comply, but, on the contrary, began to harass the 
imperial army by cutting off its supplies, and by 
killing stragglers, and carrying off horses and 
elephants whenever he could, so that at last one 
ser of corn was sold for a rupee in the camp . 

Now, however, the KhanAzam, with his own 
special forces, joined the main body. On ac- 
count of the rain, mud, and the inequality of the 


ground, the imperial army was deprived of 
the chance of fighting a pitched battle, accord- 
ingly it was determined to march on Nagar, 
because the Jam kept all his stores there, and 
in trying to defend them would be compelled 
to offer battle. Accordingly the army was put 
in motion, and when it had arrived in the qasba 
of D h r o 1, the Jam made his appearance with the 
auxihary forces of Rao Bharaji of Kachh, and 
several skirmishes were fought, in each of which 
the Jam was victorious. Loma KhAman the 
KtUhi had on a former occasion, in the campaign 
of Junagadh, kept an elephant for himself, taken 
from the booty of the imperial army, and had on 
this account been much annoyed by Jasa Vazir, 
and thus bore a grudge towards the Jam, as was 
also the case with Daulat Khan of Junagadh, 
whom the Jam had now called to his aid, and 
who likewise fancied that he had suffered some, 
wrong, — 

If a man's evil day has arrived, 

He will do what ought not to be done.. 

A fellow-feeling made these two individuals 
friends ; accordingly they communicated with the 


Khan Azam Gokaltash, and made an arrangement 
to bring the army of the Jam into trouble by 
deserting it at the moment of onset. The enemy 
was greatly pleased with the news, and when the 
fight began, both Loma and Daulat Khan loosed 
the reins of their horses and fled. This sight so 
discouraged the Jam, that he likewise alighted 


from his elephant, mounted a fleet horse, and fled 
for his life. Jasa Vazir, however, sueceeded with 
great trouble in maintaining his position till even- 
ing; he also guarded the household and the 
ladies of the Jam, whom he placed in ships and 
despatched by sea, to escape being captured, and 
afterwards all returned to Nagar. 

Preparations for the wedding feast of Kunwar 
Ajrtji were being made at Nagar, and therefore 
he had remained in the town. Being now 
vexed at his father's flight, he quickly mounted 
and joined the army in the field. On the 
second day, when the brilliant diadem of heaven 
shone from the firmament, the two armies 
encountered each other. The right wing of the 
imperial army was led by Sayyid Kasim, Nau- 
rang, and Gujar Khan ; and the left by Muham- 
mad Rafi, who was a celebrated general, with 
several imperial Amirs and Zamindars. Mirza 
Marhum, son of Navab Azim Humayun, 
commanded the centre, and before him Mirza 
Anwar and the Navab himself took their 
post. The van of the army of the Jam was 
commanded by Jasa Vazir, Kunvar Ajaji, and 
Mehramanji Dungarani. A cannonade from both 
armies opened the combat, and the imperial war- 
riors as well as the Rajputs fought so well that the 
angels of heaven applauded their bravery. 
Muhammad Rafl assailed the army of the Jam 
with his battalions, whilst Giijar Khan and Mirza 
Anwar, the Navab of high dignity, attacked 


Kunvar Ajaji, Jasa Vazir, and a company of 1,500 
Atits, who were going on pilgrimage to H i n g 1 a j 
Devi, and who had on their way joined the army 
of the Jam ; and these fifteen hundred perished, 
together with Kunvar Ajaji and Jasa Vazir, whilst 
of the imperial army Muhammad Rafi, Sayyid 
Sharf-ud-din, Sayyid Kahir, Say y id Ali Khan, and 
others, amounting to two hundred men, were 
slain and 500 wounded ; and of the Jam's army 
700 horses were disabled and all the treasure 
plundered. This battle was fought on the 8th Aso 
sud, Samvat 1648, or the 6th Rajab a.h. 1001. 
After this unexpected victory, the imperial army 
also conquered Junagadh, Patandev, Dwarka,and 
the island of Sankhodwara. The imperial army 
now took up the pursuit of Sultan Muzaffar, 
who had fled to the country of Kachh to Vasta- 
Bandar when the imperial army had crossed the 
Ran Ra o Bhara then surrendered Muzaifar to the 
imperial servants in exchange for the parganah of 
M o r b i, but Sultan Muzaffar committed suicide 
by cutting his throat, and thus died. 

The reign of Jam Satrasal alias Sataji 
lasted 47 years, 3 months, and 18 days. He gave 
G n d a 1 to his younger (third) son, V i b h a j i, 
which was lying waste, and Rajkot in lieu of 
Kalawar ; and Vibhaji's descendants are still called 
V i b h a n i s. 

Jam Jasaji, second son of Jam SatIji. 

Jam J asaj i was for some time kept under 
surveillance in the capital of Dehli, because, after 


thedeathof K^nvar Ajuji, Jam Satrasal remained 
in Nagar in a subordinate position, and an imperial 
deputy administered the government of Nagar 
in concert with him. Jam Jasaji, therefore, in the 
hope of winning the imperial favour and remov- 
ing the annoyance of the deputy, went to Delhi, and 
by the protection and kindness of the Emperor's 
wife, Jahanara Begam, and the good offices of 
Raghunathji Nagar, the Bakhshi, was installed 
on the masuad of Navanagar on the 1st Phalgun 
sud, in Saifavat 1673, and in the year 1675, when 
Nur-u'd-din Jah&ngir Padshah visited Dohad, 
which is on the frontier of Gujarat, Jam Jasaji 
obtained the honour of an audience. On this 
occasion he offered fifty Kachhi horses and 100 
gold mohars to the emperor, from whom he 
received in return two elephants, two horses, and 
four rings set with diamonds. During his reign 
the Sravaks repaired a temple in the bazar. 

It happened that during a rainy night the 
Jam was playing chess with his Jhali Eani, who 
was the daughter of Raja Chaudrasingh, and dis* 
pleased her in the game by taking a knight, where- 
on the rani said : — *' What manliness is there in 
taking a lifeless horse from the hands of a woman ? 
Let him who boasts of his valour take a horse from 
my father !'* This speech so vexed the Jam 
that he immediately sent a large and well 
equipped army against the rAja. The troops of 
the Jam and of the Raja of Halawad fought for 
six months with each other without any decisive 


result. Seeing he could effect nothing, the Jam 
became helpless, and accordingly he despatched 
Sankardas Nagar, the Thinadar of Runavav, a 
brave soldier, to the seat of war, with the promise 
of a great reward if he could bring this affair to 
a happy end. Sankardsls went to Halawad, and 
pretending to come on an errand of condolence 
to the rajTi, whose son had died, wrapped himself 
in a sheet, and made his entrance into Halawad 
with 400 sowars during the evening repast of 
the chokidars — a time when they are off their 
guard. He entered the apartment of the raja 
when he happened to be asleep, and putting a 
dagger to his breast, awok^e him. The raja was in 
fear of his life ; his mother, who was present, 
interceded with Sankardas, but the latter carried 
him to the Jam. When the raja arrived, the 
Jam smiled and said : — "You are welcome." He 
replied '* Sankardas the Nagar, who is a Brahman, 
has outwitted me, and indeed it is no disgrace if 
we Rajputs are outwitted by Brahmans.'* It was 
the intention of the Jtim Saheb to keep the raja 
prisoner, but Sankardas, who had made a promise 
to his mother to bring him back, begged that he 
might be excused. Hereon the Jam issued 
orders to kill Sankardas, the son of Damodar, 
The latter, however, by his quickness and the 
force of his sword, succeeded wdth his followers 
in carrying the raja safely back to Halawad, but 
was himself slain, with all his followers ; and 
tlie truth of the proverb that the company of 




princes is like that of lions, was again confirmed. 
Jam J a s a j i spent much time in travelling. His 
reign lasted nominally for eight years, when his 
Jhali Rani gave him poison, and thus deprived 
him of hoth his crown and his life. 

Jam Lakha bin AjAji. 
He began to reign on the 30th Mahavad, in 
Samvat 1681 ; he reigned 21 years, 1 month, and 
10 days. In his time Sultan Nur-u'd-din Jahan- 
gir ruled at Delhi. 

Jam Ranmalji bin LAkha. 
His reign commenced on the 10th of Chaitra 
Bud in Samvat 1702. He was born on the 9th 
Sravan sud at dawn. The subjoined figure repre- 
sents his horoscope*: — 

• No explanation is given of this horoscope in the 
Persian MS., hut persons unacquainted with astrology 
may he informed that the twelve areas of this diagram 
are assigned to Mercury, the Sun, Venus, Saturn, the 
Moon, Mars, RAhu, Jupiter, Ketu, respectively, which 
was the combination of planets at tho prince's hiii;!!. 


His adopted son S a t a j i was born of a daughter 
of the Rathod house of Jodhpur, and was expel- 
led from the country after the demise of Ranmalji, 
his father. He then went to the Court of Delhi 
and obtained the parganah of Kadi, in Gujarat, in 
jagir, and I will now relate an account of what his 
father did. 

One day Jam Ranmalji was hunting in the 
jungle and happened to perceive a Sanyasi, 
reclining under a tree with a young and beautiful 
woman with arched eyebrows, whose charms 
captivated him ; overcome by desire, he went and 
seated himself by her. When the Sanyasi, over- 
taken by fate, had gone to bathe, the Jam asked 
her who she was, and the lady spoke as 
follows : — *' I am the wife of a Brahman, and this 
godless Sanyasi has inveigled me here by deceit ; 
if you approve of me, I am at your service." 
" The Jam ordered the Sanyasi to be killed, and 
carried the woman away to his palace, but from 
his inordinate intercourse with her, he contracted 
a painful disease ; and the pain becoming exces- 
sive he emasculated himself, but when he was 
healed, he married a Rathod lady, who became 
his Rani. When she found her husband impo- 
tent, she bought a fine infant from her own tribe, 
pretending that she had given birth to him; she 
also sent for her brother from Jodhpur, and enjoy- 
ed full authority over her husband. Some time 
afterwards, however, Jam Ranmalji, fearing her 
machinations, assembled his nobles and ministers 


of State, and addressed them thus : '* I have been 
impotent for a long time, and this is not my 
son, and it is fitting that my younger brother 
Raisingh should succeed to the throne after me.'* 
JamRanmalji lost his life some time afterwards 
with Sangoji Hardhol, fighting against the 
force of the imperial army, whereupon E a i s i n g h 
expelled by force the adopted son the Rani had 
bought, with all the RAthods, including also 
Govardhan Bhandari and others, from Nagar. 
Ranmalji's reign lasted 15 years, 3 months, and 
18 da vs. 

Jam Raisingh bin Lakhaji. 

By the agreement of the nobles and chief men^ 
he was installed on the throne on the 13th 
Asad Tad, Saihvat 1717. At that time Sultan 
QutbA'd-din arrived from Ahmadabad with a 
powerful army. The Jam hastened to meet 
him, and fighting a sanguinary battle on the plain 
of Shekpat, he lost his life. Hereon the imperial 
army occupied the city, and named it Islam- 
n ag ar . A mosque was built in the bazar, and 
from that time the Badshahi vero began to 
be levied. Kdnwar Sataji (Prince Tamachi) 
and several other survivors of the battle left 
Nagar, which had no strong fort, andby sheltering 
themselves in the cactus jungle escaped to O k h a. 
Jam Raisingh reigned 2 years and 2.5 days. 

Jam Tamachi Tagadh bin Raisingh. 
On the 8th of Sravan vad, Saiiivat 1 7 1 J), T a m a- 
chi succeeded to the throne and distressed the 


Badshahi Thfinadars and the rayats by the depre- 
dations he committed around Nagar, in such a 
manner that he obtained the cognomen T a g a d h 
(Reiver). Gradually, however, after the expiration 
of fully nine years, he was pardoned his offences 
through the kind offices of MaMraja Jasvantsingh 
of Jodhpur, and Vizir A sad Ali Khan, Subahdar 
of Gujarat, on whom, when he was yet a minof 
official, the Jam had on some occasion or other 
bestowed his own horse ; and in Sam vat 172S 
JSTagar was restored to him, and he regained his 
throne, and the Qjizis and Muftis who had remain- 
ed in the mosques were sent to hell. His reigu 
lasted 27 years, 1 month, and 17 days. In those 
days Shah Jahan Badshah ruled at Dehli. 
Jam Lakhaji bin TamAchi. 

He obtained the masnad on the 1 0th Aso sud^ 
Saravat 1746, and sat on it 19 years and 1 month. 
Jam RAisingh bin LIkhI. 

His reign began on the 10th Kartik, in Saihyat 
1765, but he was put to death by his brother 
Hardhol, the son of Hemabai Vaghelia Raj- 
piitani, who held the parganah Hariana in girds. 
He took possession of the throne, but fled for 
fear of the Maharaja Jasvantsingh, The reign of 
both amounted to one year and two months. 


He succeeded to the throne on the 11th of 
Bhadrava sud, Sam vat 1767. When he was yet 
very young, one of the slave girls of Jam T a m a - 
c h i , who was his nurse, entertained fears that 


Hardhol might endanger his life, and putting him 
into a hox, conveyed him to his maternal aunt, Bai 
Ratnaji, at the Court of Bhuj, and hegged her 
to protect him. His aunt spent large sums of 
money to promote his interests, and also wrote 
to her brother RAj Pratapsingh to give his 
daughter in marriage to Mubfiriz-uUMiilk, known 
also as S a r b u 1 a n d - k h a n, the Subahdar of 
Gujarat, and the daughter of one of his cousins to 
Salabat Muhammad KhanBabi, who 
was at the head of the army, and they, being thus 
gained over, expelled Hardhol from Nagar and 
installed T a m a c h i on the masnad. 

In consequence of his good services, the parga- 
nah of H a ri a n a was given to the Raj of Halawad. 
The villages of Charakhdi, Trakfira, and Daiya 
were given as dowry with the sister of Jhala 
Naranji, who was married to Salabat Khan. In 
course of time, however, the sons of the latter, i,e , 
Sherzaman Khan and Diler Khan, sold all three 
villages to Kumbhaji of Gondal ; and lastly, for 
the aid aiforded by Rao Saheb Desalji of Bhuj; 
the fort of Balambha and several other mahals 
were mortgaged to him in Sam vat 1775, and in 
1792 the Rao Saheb rebuilt the fort. Mubariz- 
ul-Miilk levied three lakhs of rupees the first 
year, and on coming the second year, after some 
dispute, through the intervention of Salabat 
Khan, he obtained one lakh as tribute. 

Afterwards Maharaja A j i t s i n g h, who became 
the Subah of Abmadabad, arrived with an army at 


Nagar, planted a battery of artillery on a mound 
near the lake, and a sanguinary battle ensued, in 
which a great number on both sides drank the 
water of death. The Mahjiraja returned unsuc- 
cessful, but the brother of the Jam — K a k a j i by 
name — slew Jam Tamachi with the sword and 
sent him to Paradise. The reign of T am a eh i 
lasted thirty-two years and one month. 
JAm Lakhaji bin Tamachi. 

He came to the throne on the 11th Aso suid, 
Saihvat 1799, and died of small-pox, but some 
say by poison, lie reigned 24 years, 9 months> 
and 10 days. 

During his reign Nanji and MehrAman Khavas 
arrived from Halawad, with Bai Depabfii whom 
Jam Lakhfiji had married ; and since Mehraman 
was an able man, by the assistance of Mehta 
Bhanji and Jagjivan Ojha, he assumed the 
administration of the State. This monopoly 
displeased the other courtiers, who accordingly 
slew Nanji, the brother of Mehraman Khavas, 
in the RAjmahal. Mehraman Khavas being 
a valiant man, taking no account of the choki- 
dars and guards, hastened to the spot ; but 
finding the doors locked and obtaining no 
entrance, he effected one by causing some men 
to stand on each other's shoulders, and using 
them as a ladder to scale the wall. Having 
in this manner entered the palace with a band of 
companions, he fought with the guards from morn- 
ing till cTening, slew several persons, and captured 


the person of Depabrii. Afterwards the chokidars 
and the townspeople, who were alarmed at the 
tumult which was going on, submitted to the 
sway of Mehraman Khavas, and from that day 
his authority became paramount. 

Jam Jasaji bin LAkhAjt. 
lie was a minor when placed on the throne on 
the 1 1th of Kiirtik sud, in Sam vat 1824. The 
KhavAses, Mehraman and Bhavan, kept him un- 
der surveillance, surrounded him with men of their 
own tribe, and their own creatures and relations as 
attendants and servants both in the zanana and the 
palace. Whilst Mehraman ruled alone Shah 
A 1 a m reigned at Delhi. 

Rao Saheb G o d j i of Kachh crossed the Ran 
with a large army and much artillery in order to 
realize what had formerly been promised him. 
Mehraman Khavas therefore erected batteries 
against the fort of Balamblia, which was in the 
possession of the Rao ; and ere Rao G o d j i had 
crossed the Ran, his thanahdars wxre expelled with 
much ignominy, in Saihvat 1824. 

The origin of this enmity was as follows : — 
Great fear had been entertained lest Hardholji 
should kill Jam T a m a|c h i. Accordingly a female 
slave of Jam Tamachi, who was then an infant, 
put him into a box and conveyed him over to his 
maternal aunt, Bai Ratnabai, at Bhuj, and asked 
her for aid. This lady spent a great deal of 
money to promote his interests, and through her 
efforts her brother Pratapsingh, who was Raja of 


Halawad, wrote to Mubariz-ul-Mulk and gained 
him over, and through his aid brought Jam Tama- 
chi from Bhuj and seated him on the throne, as 
has been recorded above in its proper place. In 
consequence of these expenses and services, Balam- 
bha was mortgaged to the Rao Sahcb G o d j i, who 
rebuilt the fort and received the revenues of the 
mortgaged mahals. But now the fort fell into 
the hands of the Jam, and the Rjio was obliged to 
depart without being able to effect anything, and 
the munition of the fort and six field guns and 
the treasure remained in the hands of the Jam. 

Kalcaji, brother of the Jam, was a man of 
violent temper, who had killed the raja of M o r b i 
and two or three amirs and a hundred common 
men and women with his own hand, and his hand 
and sword were alike always bloody. He, seeing 
an opportunity, slew Jam T a m a c h i, and, rebel- 
ling, seized on the fort of Modpur, and thence 
ravaged the country. Mehraman therefore closely 
besieged that place, and it fell out that as he was 
seated at the window of that fortress, a musket 
ball struck him on the neck so that he died. 

Bai Sahib Depabai, who had formerly con- 
ducted all the affairs of the country, was much 
harassed by the arrogance of Mehraman Khavas, 
and departed on the pretence of a pilgrimage 
to S r i N a t h j i, but since she had been predes- 
tined to perish on a dunghill, she returned in 
obedience to her fate again to Nagar, and the 
wicked Mehraman Khavas sent an escort of 


Sipahis and musicians to meet and to receive her, 
but when she arrived at the city, on the pretence 
that the day was unlucky he caused her to alight 
for the night at the house of Chatturbhuj, instead 
of entering the city, and dismissed her attendants. 
When the chariot stopped in the street, the Bai 
Saheb wished to ahght, and placed one foot on the 
ground, and whilst the other was yet on the cha- 
riot, a sipahi named Chand Ghori, of hellish dis- 
position, who was a disloyal wretch, struck her 
a terrible dagger thrust from behind the screen 
which the slave girls were holding out in order 
that she might alight, which passed right through 
her body. Thus this noble lady, wont to repose 
on soft velvet cushions, and to consider even rose- 
leaves almost as thorns, miserably perished in an 
unfrequented lane, where her body lay for two 
hours after her attendants had fled. At last, at the 
intercession of Jngjivan Ojha and Mehta Bhanji, 
they burned her on a pile of aloes and sandalwood. 
In Saihvat 1832 Mehraman Khavas, being 
desirous of checking the dacoities of the people 
of Positra, resolved on conquering that strong fort 
and the country of Okha, and invited the Div&n 
Saheb Amarji to aid him. During the siege 
of the fort, they dug a mine under one of the 
bastions and blew it up. The DivSn Saheb, who 
had, with many others, taken up a position under 
the rampart, observed, when the smoke and dust 
caused by the explosion allowed of a free view, 
that a large breach had been opened, and that the 

jkis: jAsAji. 265 

garrison was manfully making a sally from a 
small door. Hereon muskets became useless and 
a hand-to-hand fight with the sword ensued, in 
which the garrison were defeated. 

On this occasion Kalu Mer, who had ere this 
treacherously come to Junagadh and killed two 
Nagar children and become liable to punishment, 
but had been suffered to depart under the protec* 
tion of the Jamadar Amratt Arab and A'alara 
Khan Baluch, was now slain. The troops followed 
up the fugitives, and entering th€ fort at their 
heels, obtained possession of all the goods these 
freebooters had robbed from the ships of x\rabiaj 
Sindh, and the Dakhan, and of which there was 
great abundance This news was communicated 
bv the Divan Saheb to Mehraman Khavas, wha 
was greatly rejoiced thereat, and feigned to be 
highly thankful and obliged to the Divan, but 
being of a treacherous disposition and fearing that 
the bravery of the Divan might become dangerous 
to himself, he intended to poison him> aad invited 
him for that purpose to a repast : — 

" Remedies are good before events.*^*^ 

AVhen the army had returned and encamped at 
K h a m hh alia, the repast was to have taken 
place, but the Divan Saheb refused the invitation 
on the pretence that he had just received the news 
of the death of Khushal Rai Nagar, the Duftaii 
of the Nawab Saheb at Junagadh. 

In Samvat 1839 Mehraman Khavas made a 
league with Rana SuUanji and Kumbhaji in 


order to ruin the Divan Saheb Amarji, but was 
defeated in a battle fought at Panchpipla. 
After that he called the army of the Gaikwad to 
his aid, and conquered the fort of Devra, but was 
unable to keep it, and after repairing its defences, 
which had been broken down, he returned. In 
Samvat 1844 he built the fort ofNavanagar 
of white stone, with five gates and eight posterns 
and twenty- three towers. 

In Samvat 1850 Jadeja Daji of Gondal, Modaji 
of Dhrol, Mehramanji of Rajkot, and Ranmalji 
of Khirasra, lighted the flame of rebellion by lay- 
ing waste the province of H a 1 a r ; and to punish 
these men, Mehraman Khavas marched an army 
into the parganahs of Ilajkofc and Sardhar. It so 
happened that the Diviln Saheb Raghunatbji, 
elder brother of the author, was at that time with 
me and my brother in Nagar with a large force. 

The reason of the Divan's arrival at Nagar was 
as follows: — When the Divan Saheb llaghu* 
nathji had been imprisoned by the Navab Saheb 
Hamid Khan, the fort of Chorwud belonged to 
the author, whilst the fort of Sutrapara was in 
possession of his younger brother Dalpatram, 
and we were liberated by the strength of our 
own hands. As Mehraman Khavas had a feud 
with the surrounding raj As, he was in search of 
an experienced man, and thought our arrival 
would be a great assistance to him, and he 
therefore sent Mehta Adabhai, karaavisdar of 
the parganah of Kandornu, with a hundred sowars. 


a drum, and a flag to Chorwad to recall the 
Divan. The Divan Saheb, considering this a 
good omen, disregarded the pressing invitations 
to stay of Sheikh Badru'd-din, the Zamindar of 
Mangrol, as well as of the Navab Saheb Hamid 
Khan, and the Zamindar of Gondal, and proceeded 
to Nagar, where he was received with much civi- 
lity and politeness by Mehraman Khawas, who 
obtained for him, from the Jam's government, the 
parganah of Pardhari and some villages in Kaihia- 
vad in jagir, together with the privilege of com- 
manding the van of the army and certain other 
Sibandi commands. He received a seat opposite 
to, and on a level with, the Jam Saheb' s seat in 
darbar. Besides the Divani Pagah he had several 
Arab banners under him, namely, those of Jamad&r 
Sheikh Zubaidi, Salih Abd'ulla, Muhammad 
Abubakr, Hamid Mohsin, and Hamid Nasir, as 
well as other companies of Sindhis, such as those 
of the Jamadar O'mar Dura, of Rana Rukan^ 
amounting in all to nearly eight hundred men. 
Mehraman Khawas regarded the Divan Scaheb as 
one of his own Amirs. At this period Farid Khan, 
Ali Khan, Khanbhai Seth, Bhagwanji Sodha, 
Gajasingh Jhala, and Keshavji and Vasanji, the 
maternal uncle of the author Mehta Adabha 
Nagar, Keshar Thakar Lohana, all of whom were 
jagir dars, joined the army with the Zamindars of 

Gajsingh Jhala from Halwad, Vakhtaji Deski 
of Patdi, and Bhupatsingh from Bhaukoda 


arrived with auxiliary troops, and in one week 
the whole parganah of Sardhar [Halar] wa» 
laid waste, and from several villages large sums 
of money were raised. At that time Vakhat- 
singhji Raval of Bhavnagar, who with a large 
army had been warring against the Ktifhis 
and had succeeded in wresting Chital from the 
auxiliaries of the Navab Saheb Ha mid Khun, 
came and encamped at Jasdau, and intended to 
conquer also the fort of Jetpur. On this occasion, 
however, a meeting between him and Mehraman 
Khawas was arranged by the Divan Saheb 
Baghiinathji, and both armies approaching each 
other like two seas, remained stationary for 
twenty days. Vakhatsingh being related to 
Goudal, was, however, unwilling on that account 
to join Mehraman in attacking that State ; while 
Mehraman on his part was unwilling that Vakhat- 
singh should continue his warfare against the 
plundering Kathis. Hence they separated with- 
out coming to any mutual agreement. 

On that very day Morarji bin Diilabhji, the 
cousin of the Divun Saheb, who had been deputy 
in place of his father at Jiinagadh, and was also 
mutasaddi for the parganahs of Mangrol, Kodin&r, 
Una, and Delwada, having been liberated from 
his imprisonment by the Navab, arrived with a 
troop of cavalry and a band of Arabs, Jam^dar 
A' wad Ali and N{iru'd-din, and Jiya and O'mar, 
and other Sindhis. Raval Vakhatsingh bestowed 
on him a iicting jagir, and touk him into hi» 


service. Owing ta the evil of the times, Mehta 
Vasanji Mankad, maternal uncle of the Divan 
Saheb, died this year at the camp of Magarvadl. 

Jadeja Daji, of Gondal, and Ranmalji, of Khi- 
rasra, and other Jadejas invited Fateh Muham- 
mad, the Kamdar of R^o Raydhan, to aid 
them in the plunder of Halar, which was well 
cultivated and full of wealth. Now, as the Rao 
of Bhuj had an old grudge against Nagar, Fateh 
Muhammad, who was assisted by good fortune 
and possessed a good share of bravery, was wait- 
ing for an emergency of this kind, considering 
that it would be to the advantage of his fame ; and 
accordingly he persuaded the Rao Saheb that 
this would be a good opportunity to avenge the 
ancient injuries inflicted by Jam Raval, and 
crossed the Ran with a mighty army and a large 
quantity of artillery, and entered the province of 
Halar. When Bhawan Khawas, the younger 
brother of M«hraman Khawas, heard of this event, 
he hastened with an army to meet the foe, and 
encamped at the village of Khakhrabela. Fateh 
Muhammad Notiyar, passing him by a flank 
movement, encamped his army in the plain of 
Pardhari. In the morning, after the sun, the 
Sultan of the firmament, had dispersed the army 
of the stars, Bhawan proposed to retreat, but 
Purshotam Vania came to the aid of his inexpe- 
rience, and encouraged him by saying that no 
apprehensions were to be entertained of Kachhi 
troops, since in th^^ames of the children of this 


country a boy is often heard to say : " Let me 
be alone on one side, and on the other all the 
Kachhis." Bhawan, the empty-headed, being 
thus puffed up by the bravado of Purshotam, 
like a leather bag full of wind, turned the army 
towards the enemy, and induced the Divan Saheb 
Raghiinrithji and his two brothers to take the com- 
mand of the vanguard. 

When we three brothers joined the camp with 
our cavalry, Fateh Muhammad, although at the 
head of an army numerous as locusts and ants, 
on hearing our drums and seeing our banners, 
coiled himself up within his limits like a sleeping 
snake, and untwining himself hke a half-burnt 
rope, as it were an elephant which has burst his 
chains, or a lion which h&s broken his bonds, and 
advanced his cannon and rockets and camel- 
swivels and muskets, and behind them followed 
15,000 Kachhi infantry with Sindhis, Arabs, and 
Afghans, 20,000 Rajput and Sindhi cavalry, and 
400 mail-clad men like elephants. As these 
successively advanced to attack us, the Gondal, 
Rajkot, and Raumalji*s forces stood ready ta 
engage on the right flank. 

The cowardly Bhawan Khawas, having never 
made tvar, was in a fright, and was like one who 
pulls off his shoes before he has reached the 
water ; he lost his presence of mind, and courage 
fled from his heart, and sought for some pretext 
to escape from this difficulty. He then said : 
" Let Raja Gajsingh of Halwad, who is related 


to both sides, begin negociations of peace ; 
to-day there is a truce, and Jhilria, which is 
at a distance of four kos to the west of this, will 
be our next camp." The troops on receiving 
this news were glad to get out of their dangerous 
position, and on the pretence that their leader 
had so ordered, they borrowed speed from the 
wind and lightning, and quickly departed from 
that place. The /irmy had not retreated farther 
than half a kos, when the author overtook 
Bhawan Khawas by order of the Divan Saheb 
Raghunathji, on whose part he delivered to 
Bhawan the following message : '* The enemy 
has now arrogantly advanced. If we now retii'e 
and show our backs, it will be a disgrace to the 
government of NawAnagar, and will be imperil- 
ling our Uves for nothing " Accordingly Bhawan, 
with all the grandees of the State of Nagar, 
unwillingly determined that the army should 
retrace its steps, and said : ** Tell the Divan 
Saheb Raghfinfithji to form the right wing with 
his cavalry, whilst I take part in the battle on 
the left, with the whole army and artillery.*' 
The author hastened back quickly to my brother, 
the Divan Sfiheb Raghunathji, and informed him 
of this, and he immediately marshalled his forces 
on the bank of the river in one line of infantry 
and one of cavalry, ready for battle, like a 
rampart of iron. The fight commence^ with an 
attack by the enemy, who rushed upon us with 
fieven thousand infantry, shouting **Ali! Ali!" 


They attacked us boisterously like the waves 
of the stormy ocean, and the roaring of the 
artillery and the hissing of the rockets caused 
the earth to quake. The Divan Saheb also 
attacked them like a lion with two hundred in- 
fantry and one hundred cavalry, shouting : — 
" Har Mahadev !" x\fter firing one discharge of 
musketry at the enemy at close quarters, they 
closed and fought with swords, spears, knives, 
and daggers ; then the antagonists came by 
degrees to fists and cuffs, striking each other on 
the cheeks and breasts with their hands. After 
many had been slain on both sides, all parties 
got fatigued, and the enemy retreated, whilst the 
Divan Saheb departed victoriously amidst the 
sounds of joyful music to his post, leaving two 
hundred Kachhis killed or wounded on the battle- 
field. When Fateh Muhammad perceived his 
troops in this condition, he became greatly en- 
raged, and advancing from his position poured his 
men on the troops of Bhawan Khawas like a 
rain-clpud, breaking his array and dispersing his 
troops as a mountain torrent washes away peb- 
bles. Bhawan Khawas, with six sowars, escaped 
thence by hard riding, and took refuge on the 
mound of Khariwak. His carabineers became 
food for the sword, and the Gondal force plun- 
dered the Nawanagar camp, thus left destitute of 
guards and protectors, until nothing remained but 
the tents and cannon of the Divan Saheb, which 
were in his own charge, whilst the army of Nagar 


had nothing except the canopy of heaven for a 
covering and the torch of the moon for a light. 

After Fateh Muhammad had defeated 
Bhawan Khav^ras, he erected batteries against 
the Divan Saheb. Artillery began to roar on 
both sides, and musketry also did its work ; Raj 
Gajsingh had v^rithdravvrn to one side, in the hope 
that as he was a relation of the Rao, Fateh 
Muhammad would not attack him, but was 
disappointed ; and the enemy, who were desirous 
to engage, attacked and charged them. But the 
brave men of his force withstood their charge 
and remained as firm as Mount Elburz, and 
did not give ground, and the Kachh troops, 
courage failing them, returned unsuccessfully to 
their own camp, Bhawan Khawas, with a few 
trusted Khawas adherents and others, reached 
Jalia weeping with only the clothes on their 
backs, whilst the Divan Saheb remained on the 
battlefield, shrouded and buried the dead, and 
having loaded the wounded on camels, arrived in 
Nagar on the evening of the second day. But 
Fateh Muhammad, of victorious fortune, went on 
burning and plundering the surrounding villages 
as far as Khambhalia, and then, after levying 
ransoms from them, marched back. 

Jam Jasaji makes a friend of the 
Rao Saheb Bhanji. 

The Jam Saheb was so much distressed by the 
overbearing demeanour of Mehraman Khawas 


and the ambition of his sons, that he consulted 
the rich and the poor on the means of over- 
throwing his power ; but Mehraman Khawas 
cut off the nose or the ears of every one who 
was discovered to have listened to the Jam 
Saheb, and some were lightened of their heads ; 
and in this way several fooUsh persons were 
ruined, imprisoned, and put to death, and the 
plot spread so far that Bai Achhiiba, the Jam 
Saheb' s wife, who was also much displeased with 
the state of affairs, held out to Shekh Muhammad 
Zubaidi, the Jcommander of the Divane Saheb'B 
Risillah, a bribe of one lakh of jamis, but he ex- 
cused himself by asserting that he was unwilling to 
do anything without the command of his master. 
Accordingly, at his suggestion, one night the Jam 
Saheb dressed himself as a female and entered 
the Divan Saheb' s house, and taking the 
author aside, said : '*This Mehraman is a thorn 
in my liver, or a pebble in my eye ; if you will 
expel him by any means whatever, I will give 
you the parganah of JodhpAr in perpetuity, as well 
as one- half of all the moveable and immoveable 
property of Mehraman Khawas, which amounts 
in value to nearly one kror." When I communi- 
cated this proposal to my brother, he gave a 
plain answer as follows : ** I will not, for greed 
of this world*s goods, bring disgrace upon the 
family of the Divan Saheb Amarji, and cannot 
commit a treacherous act towards MehrAman, 
through whose influence I have come to Nagar, 


but I shall, as far as possible, endeavour to restore 
peace between both sides." When the Jam 
Saheb despaired of being able to eifect anything 
with the Divan Siiheb or the inhabitants of the 
town, he secretly despatched messages to the 
Jadeja confederates and to the Rao Saheb Bhanji, 
inviting them to plunder the district of Halar 
with the villages which were in the hands of 
Mehraman Khawas, and granting them permission 
to do so. Accordingly they immediately com- 
menced to hover about those places like vultures 
over a carcass, according to the saying : — 

*' How fortunate is it to attain two objects by 

one act : 
One should run with alacrity at the smallest 

signal of a friend." 

Account of the laying waste of Gondai, 


Aba Shelukar, who was the Subah of Ahmad* 
abAd, arrived with a powerful army on the 
frontiers of HSlar, levying tribute in Saihvat 
1850, and he brought with him the cavalry of 
Malhar Rao from Kadi, which was under the 
command of Hanumant Rao, and the army of 
Navab Ghaziu'd-din from Sami-Munjpur, on 
condition of defraying the monthly pay of their 

Mehraman Khawas, by agreeing to pay what 
they demanded, obtained a promise from them that 
they would ravage the parganah of Gondai. 


As at that time one of the heloved children 
of the author was heing married, and he was 
necessarily unable to be present, Pasu [Thakur] 
Lohanu, the Mutasaddi of the town of Kulawad, 
who on account of the attachment between his 
mother and MehnWan, considered himself as a 
son of Mehraraan Khawas, was appointed to act 
as deputy by Mehraman during my absence, but 
being a man of no weight or standing he did not 
conduct matters well. 

Aba Sheliikar sent his Naib Amratlal Nagar 
to Nagar to request the presence of the Divan 
Sahel), as without him no business could be satis- 
factorily conducted ; but the latter despatched the 
author, to receive whom Ab^l ShelAkar ordered 
troops to march out, which escorted him with 
many demonstrations of honour to the camp, where 
he received for a whole month an honourable re- 
ception, and spent his time very pleasantly, seeing 
at night dancing girls perform and hearing songs 
and music, while the days were passed in the 
amusements of chess and card playing. After the 
expiration of a month after ravaging the parganah 
of Gondal and making it a grazing ground for 
wild beasts he returned. 

It is related that Nana Farnavis, of Pun&, 
was enamoured with the wife of Abu Sheliikar, but 
as he was unable to obtain access to her alone and 
thus enjoy this rose without a thorn, he appointed 
Aba Sheliikar to the Subahdslri of AhmadAbad 
and farmed to him the revenues of that province 

JAM jAsiri. 275 

for an annual sum of twelve and a half lakhs of 
rupees for the space of fire years, and thus 
removed the snake from the treasure. 

Aba Shelukar was himself a voluptuary, and 
had intercourse with many Moghal, Afghan, and 
Hindu females. They have said, "He who stops 
the road of others, some one will stop his road." 
And it 80 happened to him that a cow entered hia 
grain-yard. But, somehow or other, he became ac- 
quainted with the actions and conduct of his wife, 
whom hitherto he had imagined to be chaste, 
and, therefore, pretending that he wished to visit 
DwArka, he brought his wife with him to Gujarat, 

I have myself beheld her on several occasions, 
and did not consider her to be very handsome j 
but as the verse says — 

** You should see Laila with the eyes of 

In this way Nana Farnavis lost both the lady 
and the money. 

Verse : — 

** Sikandar even was unable to drink a draught 

of the water of life. 
For such things cannot be effected either by 

power or gold." 

Meeting of the Navab S^beb H^mid KhIn 
WITH Mehraman Khawas at Kalawad. 

When the Navab Saheb Hamid Khan returned 
from the army, he had an interview with Mehramao 


Khawas at the Qasbah of Kalawad, on which 
occasion the Navab Saheb took hold of the hand 
of the Divan Saheb Raghiinathji and that of the 
author, and placing them in those of Mehraman, 
said : — '' These are deposits of mine, treat them 
honourably and kindly, and consider them for a 
short time as your guests."* 

Concerning THE Waghers of Okha. 

In Samvat 1861 Mehraman marched an army 
to Okha, iu order to punish the Waghers, and 
rased some of their villages to the ground. 

The author having obtained leave, virent on pil- 
grimage to Becharaji. On his way he encamped at 
Dhrmdhalpur, where he became the guest of Godad 
Khavad. At this time a band of sowars in the 
service of the Zamindars of Limbdi, Wadhwan, 
Dhrangadhra, and Chuda, carried off some of 
his cattle, but were pursued by the author, who 
recovered the cattle, after some fighting, at the 
village of Sejakpur, but lost three men and 
horses. Again iu the plain near BajAna he met a 
band of accursed ones of Jatwara, under their 
chief, a Varahi Jat, Nura by name, but after a 
little musketry fire we dispersed them, and after- 
wards all visited mother Becharaji. Bhaosingh 
Desai, Zamindar of the town of Patdi, and his son 

•This interview has already been alludod to before. 
Here, however, the translator from the GAjardthi writes 
that the Navab said to Mehr&inan that : '* He had 
better treat tliem with the honour due to their rank." 

jiM JAsijr. 277 

Vakhatsingh and his brother Ras^ji came to meet 
us with great civility. 

Plight op the Jam Sahkb Jasaji. 

In Sam vat 1853, Sivram Kamedan arrived 
with an army on behalf of the Srimant Peshwa 
and Gaekwad Sark^rs, to collect tribute in 
KiUhiawad, and encamped at Pardhari. Mehra- 
manKhawas despatched me with some followers to 
make arrangements about paying the jamabandi, 
and Sivram himself came out about three miles 
riding on an elephant to meet us, and I stayed with 
him for a month and a half, and he treated me 
honourably. He seemed to me to be a man of 
great courage and ability. 

Suddenly news arrived (in the camp) that the 
JAm Saheb with his brother Sataji had escaped 
by quick riding under cover of the night, and 
had encamped near the Kalawad Gate, This 
happened as follows: — It had always been the 
intention of the Jam Saheb to overturn the power 
of Mehraman Khawas, therefore by promises of 
pay and service he allured the Arab Jamadars to 
his own side, and plotted with them ; and they, to 
remove all suspicion, encamped at the village of 
Morkanda and agreed to remain there waiting in 
ambush, till they heard the firing of a gun, on hear- 
ing which signal they were all to assemble at the 
Kalawad Gate. Jamadar Salih, of evil fortune, 
who was on guard at the Kalawad Gate, was 
admitted by them as an accomplice in this difficult 


undertaking. Accordingly at midnight on A dark 
night, considering the rain and clouds as an aid to 
his design, the J^m arrived at the gate and com- 
menced a musketry fire in the direction of Mehru's 
mansion. Mehru, awaking from the sleep of care- 
lessness, saw the aspect of afPairs changed. He 
immediately sent for the Div^n SahebRaghtinathji» 
and commenced to surround and cannonade the 
gate and its defenders. 

The Arabs, who were Hstening for the sound of 
firing as a fasting man for the sound of Allah 
Akbar, at once ran to arms ; but owing to the good 
fortune of Mehru and the bad luck of the Jam, 
such violent rain fell that night that the two 
rivers were in full flood. The hopes of the Arabs 
were thus blasted, that is to say, they could 
not cross over, and owing to the non-arrival of 
their aid, the Jam and his adherents began to lose 
courage from the constant cannonade. SaHh and 
most of his men being wounded, waved a flag of 
surrender. Mehraman, at the advice of his chief 
ministers, showed them quarter on condition that 
the JamSaheb should come to his (Mehru's) house, 
and live there at his ease like a parrot in a cage. 
And after obtaining in this matter the guarantee of 
the Divan Saheb RaghGnathji, of Mahadev Ojha 
whose family is distinguished by a reputa- 
tion for high birth and learning in the zilla of 
Halar, of Muhammad Barugand Nasir Barug, the 
Arabs, and of Malik Farid Khan Setha, the Jam 
Saheb came down, and when his palankin arrived 


at the house of Mehraman, which is on the main 
road, he was forcibly taken in and kept under 
strict surveillance, whilst Sataji, his brother, 
managed by swift running to escape to his own 
house. The securities could not, for fea^ of Meh- 
raman, forbid him thus carrying off the JSm 
Saheb, and the latter kept him in durance vile 
for two months without allowing him a change of 
clean clothes, or a barber to shave him, or the 
services of a washerman. The Divan Saheb, who 
could no longer bear this state of matters, des- 
patched the author to Mehraman in order to effect 
the release of the Jam Saheb. Mehraman, how- 
ever, spoke so harshly and abusively that we both 
laid our hands on our daggers, but at last he suf- 
fered the Jam Saheb to depart to his palace. 
From that day, however, Mehraman harboured 
great spite against the Divan Saheb, and en- 
deavoured to get him removed. In the same year 
also his brother Bhawan Khawas died an unnatural 
death from a razor wound. He was Mehru's 
younger brother. 

Arrival of Fatbh Muhammad. 

In Sariivat 1853 Fateh Muhammad Notivar 
again crossed the Ran with the desire of 
ravaging Halar. Mehraman Khawas elevated his 
standards against him, and entertained in his 
service the Afghan cavalry of Jamadar Sher 
Jang Khan and Alif Khan Sahibdad Khdn, and 
Karimdad Khan and Anwar Kb tin, who had been 


discharged by Malhar Rao, the ZamindAr of 
Kadi, and promised the Navab Saheb H^mid 
Khan two lakhs and fifteen thousand jAmis for 
his aid, and thus collected a very large force, and 
encamped at the village of Dhensara, of the 
Morbi Parganah, near the shore of the Ban. 

Fateh Muhammad, from his inborn valour, en- 
camped his force at the distance of a cannon shot. 
Mehraman Khawas drew up his men in battle array 
in two lines with the forces of the Navab Saheb of 
Mukhtiar Khan Babi, the Jagirdar of Bantwa^ and 
Shekh Miirtazd with his troops from Mangrol, 
and Jamal Khan BalAch, Harisingh Pfirbia, and 
the Sindhis, and Pratapsingh and Kesrisingh, 
grasias of Balagam, Fateh Muhammad, giving 
up all idea of fighting, offered to treat for peace 
through Gajsingh, and made peace on condition 
that both sides should agree to whatever should 
be settled during the next months by the Divan 
Saheb Raghunathji on behalf of Nagar and 
Kalian Hirji on behalf of Jiinagadh, and Karsanji 
Jhala on behalf of Raj Gajsingh, the Sha Shavji on 
behalf of the Rao Saheb, and thus by a treacherous 
peace he evaded all evil. 

Rao Saheb RAidhanji comes to Nagar 
and returns disappointed. 

In Samvat 1854, Bao Saheb Raidhanji arrived 
with (his Kamdar) Fateh Muhammad and an 
army more numerous than ants and locusts, ac- 
companied by fire-raining artillery, and encamped 


in the plain of Navanagar, near the temple of 
Sri Naganatha Mahadeva. 

Mehraman Khawas, heing on had terms, not. 
only with his master the Jam, but also with the 
ryots and qasbatis, had no other friends except the 
Divan Saheb, and did not consider Alif Khan, 
Zulfikar Khan, and other Arab Jamadars friendly 
to him. Accordingly he built up the fort 
gates with bricks and placed two or three heavy 
guns in position, and stood ready to oppose them, 
but some who were within the town, such as Malik 
Farid Khan, Ali Khan, Daulat Khan, and other 
qasbatis, colluded with Fateh Muhammad, and 
informed him that as the wall of the fort on the 
side of the talav was not strong, that he ought 
to make his attack on that side, and that as soon 
as he had placed his scaling ladders against it they 
would make f.n attack from the inside, and thus 
fighting on both sides, they hoped to repulse the 
Afghans, who were not furnished with firearms, 
and Fateh Muhammad accordingly did so. It 
happened, however, that Mehraman Khawas came 
at sunrise to inspect the batteries just as an angel 
alights from heaven. Accordingly, when the sove- 
reign of the firmament ascended with his rays into 
the azure vault, and the Kachhi troops had placed 
ladders against the fort wall, some of them were 
slain and others thrown down. An assault was 
also made on the Khambhalia Gate, and many 
attacked the Divan Saheb Raghiinathji, whose 
position was at the Nagaafitha Gate. The thunder 


of the artillery and the confusion shook the earth, 
and in the tumult among the townspeople, during 
which the author happened to he on the mound 
near the talav, his horse was killed under him by 
a musket-ball, and hastened to the posture of non- 
existence. In fine, by the protection of N&ganatha, 
who is the tutelary deity of this country, Mehra- 
man Khaw&s gained the victory, and Fateh 
Muhammad, several of whose men were slain or 
wounded, retired and laid siege to Khambhalia, 
where he met with the same honours he had 
earned in Nagar. 

In Samvat 1855, Amin Saheb [son of Jemadar 
Hamid] arrived from Baroda to collect tribute in 
Kathiawad, When he was encamped at Wankftner 
the author was despatched by Mehraman Rhawas 
for the purpose of settling with him the sum to be 
paid by Nagar, and was courteously met by 
Jamadar Nehal Khan and Jamadar BachA, by 
Madhar Rki Nagar, and by Raghdnath Modi, and 
it was settled that tribute should be levied at the 
rates of 6ivr&m Kamidan, from whose time 
treble tribute was imposed on Kathiawad. This 
amount Mehraman afterwards extorted by force 
from the Nagars of Nagar. 

Attack of the Town of BhInwap. 

Mehraman Khawas sent the author in Samvat 
1855 with a powerful army and two guns 
to subdue the fort of Bhanwad, because the 
Bajpdts of the districts of Halar and Barda and 

JAld JASAJI. 283 

Dalasa, the auxiliaries of the disappointed and 
conquered Fateh Muhammad, caused great confu- 
sion by their depredations. The siege was carried 
on during four months, and no pains were spared 
by Musa Jan Farangi, who was afterwards exe- 
cuted by Aba Shelftkar at Ahmadabad, and by 
the Afghan, Arab, and Sindhi troops, but the fort 
could not be conquered on account of the evil 
destiny of Mehraman, the cowardice of Keshavji 
Kamdhar, and the bullet wound the author had 
received in his right arm. 

Meanwhile Fateh Muhammad had, with the 
intention of raising this siege, arrived from Kachh 
and encamped in the vicinity of Nagar, and Meh- 
raman Khawas, considering this a good oppor- 
tunity, sent the Divanji Saheb Raghiinathji with 
Keshavji and an army by sea to aid Sha Shavji, 
who was fighting with the Rao Saheb at Mandvi, 
but Shavji, mistrusting the people of Nagar, 
declined their assistance and made peace. 

At that time Sivram Kamedan was collecting 
peshkash in the zillah of Panchal, and Mehra- 
man sent the Divan Saheb Raghunathji to make 
arrangements for the proper payment of the sum 
to be paid for his aid, and he accordingly departed 
to bring him to their assistance. The Divanji Saheb 
arranged this matter with Sivram at the camp 
of Bhadla and returned with him to Nagar. 
Meanwhile, ill-disposed persons instilled doubts 
into the heart of Mehraman by telling him that the 
intentions of the Divan Saheb were unknownj and 

284 N A VAN AGAR. 

that he might, by taking the "side of the Jktn 
Saheb, bring trouble on all parties. This fear im- 
pelled Mehraman Khawas to arrange an interTiew 
at Dhiimao with Fateh Muhammad, and there 
concluded peace with him. When the army of 
Sivram approached, Mehraman receded from his 
agreement and informed him by letter that as 
the business regarding which he had invited his aid 
Was fortunately terminated^ he need not take the 
trouble of coming ; accordingly he returned. 

Since the Divan Saheb had concluded the 
negociation himself, he was unable to make any 
excuse to Sivram . He therefore took upon himself 
to convoke the p4tels of the neighbouring districts, 
and levying from them the money (to pay the 
army), gave it to Sivram Kamedan, Mehr&man 
Khawas became still more displeased with the 
Divan S&heb than before. Accordingly the latter 
went away from Nagar, and took up his abode at 
Dhrol, whence he carried on a secret correspond- 
ence with the Jam Saheb. 

In Samvat 1856 MehrAman KhawHs took 
leave of this world after a short illness, but as 
his children were by a Musalman woman, they 
could not inherit his property, which was given 
to the sons of Bhawan Khawas, i, e., Sangrfim and 
Pragji. They could not, however, remain in Nagar 
without molestation ; accordingly they betook 
themselves to their jagir, which consisted of the 
three forts of Jodia, Balambha, and Amran, with 
ihirtj'Six tillages. They took with them all the 



cash, but were unable to take with them thousands 
of kalsis of jowari which they had buried under- 
ground ; accordingly they lost this. 

After these men had departed to these places, 
the Divan Saheb was often politely invited to join 
them, but he always declined to do so. He gave 
this information also to the author who returned 
to Nagar after having accomplished half the 
journey to Junagadh, and after reaching the 
fort of Devra, as has been already related in the 
account of Porbandar recorded in the description 
of it. The author's younger brother Dalpatram 
was sent to Harisingh the Raja [Thakor] of 
Limbdi, between whose father Harbhamji and the 
Divan Amarji great friendship existed. Here he 
remained eight months, until the Jam Saheb invited 
the Divan Saheb in a most complimentary and 
kind way to his court, and gave him the parganah 
of Ranpur in jagir and enrolled him among the 
nobles of his State. 

The Jam SIheb collects AspverI (Horse- 

When the Jam Saheb had satisfied his mind by 
the expulsion of Mehraman's family, he marched 
with a large army to collect aspverd (horse-tax) 
both from the mahals where it was usually levied 
and also from other mahals where this levy had 
not previously been made. In Sam vat 1857 he 
demolished the fort of Jasdan. Now the Navab 
Saheb Hamid Khan had despatched Jamidt 


Khan Shirw^ni and the Jam&d&r Umar to Naicar 
a month previously, to invite the Divan S&heb 
RaghiinAthji to Jilnagadh, and requested him to 
come speedily. Accordingly he went to that place 
[but through the evil advice of Karsand&s 
WaniS and Azambeg CheU he was dismissed] 
and returned again, but the Nav&b paid his 
expenses, and restored him his four hereditary 
villages. On his return, when the Div&n SILheb 
reached the town of Dhoraji, the Jam Saheb 
sent for him to join his army. He therefore 
advanced quickly and joined the Jam at the camp 
of Kiindni, and he levied from each village of 
Jhalawfid as large a contribution as they could 
afford to pay, and he also sent a force to the 
Goghabarah Parganah, which had never before 
been subject to his exactions and extorted what 
he could. On his return he displayed his vic- 
torious standards as far almost as the Gimar 
Mountain. He collected a small tribute also ^m 
the villages of the Kathis subject to Junftgadh, 
and he left a thana in Jasdan, but it was unable 
to stay there. He now returned joyful and suc- 

The Capture of the Fort of KandornI. 

Now, since the JAm Saheb was much elated by 
the greatness of his army and the abundance of 
his treasure, he persuaded Miirad Kh^n and 
Fakir Muhammad Makrani, who were displeased 
with the Ra^a, to hand over to him the fort of 


Kandorna, a dependency of Porbandar, in consi- 
deration of a payment to them of a lakh of jamis 
and being granted their former service, but in 
Samvat 1864 Colonel Saheb Alexander Walker 
conquered it from him [in two hours], and handed 
it over to the Rana Sultanji's minister. The eye 
of the age never saw and the ear of the time 
never heard a man more true to his word or of 
such lofty courage and such beneficent views. 

The English and GIekwId Governments 
SEND Armies to Nagar. 

In Samvat 1868 (A. D. 1812) an Arab without 
cause slew one of the English Sahebs and took 
refuge in the fort of Mo^pur, and the J km Saheb, 
although strongly pressed and commanded, would 
not, as is customary with Rajas — jealous of their 
honour — surrender the man who had fled to him 
for protection. The English Government had 
therefore a strong reason for acting against him. 

Accordingly English troops arrived like waves 
of the stormy ocean, with Captain Carnac 
Saheb and Gangadhar Shastri and Fatehsingh 
GaekwadSena-Khas-khel Shamsher Bahadiikr and 
Mir Sahib Kamalu'd-din Hiisain, Mir Sarfaraz Ali 
Amin Saheb and the Divan Vithalrao, and laid 
siege to Nagar, 

The first day when the artillery began to play, 
several horses and sipahis were killed, and on the 
second day the English guns entirely silenced 
those of the fort : their roar spread mortal fear 


among the townspeople ; the Rajput troops lost 
courage, but nevertheless the Divan Saheb Raghd- 
nathjiand Jamadar Fakir Muhammad fought one 
day with one of the English regiments. As neither 
party gave way, the conflict only ceased with night. 
The lion-hearted Jam Saheb perceived that his 
I^ajputs could not hold their ground, and accord- 
ingly made overtures for peace, and reproached 
his Rajputs saying t "On the first day when the 
Divanji Saheb Raghunathji desired to negociate 
for peace you stiid that he had not a brave heart, 
and that as we are Rajpfits we shall listen to 
overtures of peace only after we have drunk the 
blood of our foes. All that was mere empty 
boasting." The Rajputs and Gosain Govardhanji 
and the Miihajans, after consultation, made pro- 
posals to the Jam, agreeing to conclude peace. 
Accordingly by the order of the Jam Saheb peace 
was afterwards concluded with the English through 
the Divan Saheb Raghunathji, on condition of 
the Jam's paying to them a lakh of jamis [koris] 
annually for a period of ten years towards the 
costs of the war^ and it was also settled that he 
should pay thirteen lakhs of jami koris, which 
were claimed by the K aclih Darbar. The army- 
then returned. 

A Kachh Army crosses over to HalIr. 

In Saihvat 1869, Fateh Muhammad crossed 
the Ran and came over with a numerous army 
to HalAr. On hearing this news, the Jam 

^AM USAJl. 289 

Saheb cdled the Divan Saheb Raghuri^thji from 
Kfttianll to his aid, in order to oppose the enemy. 
Agreeably to my brother's order, I, the author, set 
out at the head of 300 horse and foot and one 
cannon, and by marching continuously reached 
Nagar and encamped near the fort. The Jam 
Saheb Jasaji Condescended to come to the author's 
tent and kindly praisidg him, said aloud in the 
presence of the whole company :-^ 
Of Riistam I have heard, but you, I see, 
Can, hearing, be ever like seeing ? 
In this age, in which we meet with nothing 
but treachery, there is no man faithful except 
the Divan RaghuUathji among my dependants, 
or who would jeopardize his life in my service. 
As I found no one worthy to undertake this 
difficult negotiation, I have invited him to take it 
on himself. To-day the army of Fateh Muham^' 
mad, which possesses thirteen cannons and other 
Warlike engines, and in strength exceeds 20,000 
men, will encamp in, and begin to devastate one of 
tny crown parganahs. You should therefore set 
out at once and attack them with your cavalry 
near Hariana, where they will not have the 
shelter of a fort." Accordingly, the author pro- 
nounced the victory-giving name of Sankar, and 
mounted his charger, and encamped the same 
evening at Hariana. Meanwhile Fateh Muham- 
mad erected his standards at the distance of a 
kos. The Jam Saheb, however, had the foresight 


to send me, within the space of two days, a rein- 
forcement of one thousand infantry and four 
hundred cavalry with two cannons. 

Some men at the court, however, were envious, 
and conceived themselves dishonoured hy our 
recall ; and Gokal Khawas, Gajsingh Jhala, and 
others brought neither arrows, guns, bullets, 
provisions, nor eatables, and a discontented sol- 
diery, so that for two days the army was but half 
fed, and some men remained altogether hungry ; 
nevertheless the author, trusting in God's help, 
and giving up all reliance on the aid of Gokal 
Khawas and Gajasingh, went forth with a select 
company of one hundred Turkish (RAmi) infan- 
try and one hundred Masqatis at dawn and 
attacked the camp of the enemy, who being, as 
it were, yet drowned in the sleep of carelessness, 
offered scarcely any resistance, and suffered our 
muskets to be fired into the tents ; when lo ! 
Sundarji Khatri, Saudagar, who on account of his 
selling horses to the English was connected with 
them, and who as a resident of Kachh had 
accompanied Fateh Muhammad, hung out a flag 
of truce ! As soon as the firing had ceased, he 
alighted from his carriage and produced a letter 
from the Resident of Baroda, Carnac Saheb, which 
enjoined a cessation of hostihties. I considered 
it incumbent upon me to obey so exalted an order, 
and Sundarji obtained from me a truce of three 
days as well as a promise of safety as to the life 
of Jamadar Fateh Muhammad, and he agreed to 


the restoration of everything plundered and com- 
pensation for everything burnt. As the safety of 
Fateh Muhammad was in jeopardy, he was deter- 
mined to save his life by vulpine cunning, and 
thus obtained to aid him the influence of Sundarji, 
who was the Dimnah of the period, and the order 
of the powerful English. Then he borrowed 
celerity from the lightning and fled in the moon- 
light, which is the foe of nocturnal thieves, without 
beat of drum. But the author followed (in spite of 
the prohibition of Sundarji) at his heels at the 
distance of an arrow-shot, and captured all the 
carts and baggage which he left behind, until Fateh 
Muhammad recrossed the Ran after sufi^ering a 
hundred disgraces. 

The next day Colonel Cruchley Saheb arrived 
at the request of PingalshiBhat* and Vithal Rao 
who came with the army of the Gaekwad, and 
pursued him nearly to Kotaria. Here Fateh 
Muhammad was, for his honour's sake, obliged to 
fight, and after they had taken prisoners, some 
30 horsemen with their horses, they returned. 

The author, agreeably to the wish of the Divan 
Raghunathji, came and encamped in the parganah 
of Balambha, but as the Divan Saheb Vithal Rao 
harboured a grudge against me, the Jam Saheb 

* The Persian MS. always uses the -pun Bad furush : 
wind-seller; wind-bag; boaster; to express the word 
Bhdt and the translation from the Gujar&thi guided 
me to render It correctly j but here it has " Charan." 


now made over the command of his army to 
Kamdhar Jasraj and Gokal Khawas, and sent for 
me to court under the pretence of wishing the 
pleasure of my company. The Divan Saheb 
Vithal Rao now returned to his country, and two 
months afterwards, viz., in the month of Muhar- 
ram, Jasraj and Gokal returned unsuccessfully 
to Nagar. 

As it is the law of this perishing world that we 
must all ahandon it with sorrow, so the Jam Saheb 
Jasaji departed from it by a natural death on the 
5th of Sravan in Saihvat 1870 (A.D. 1814), after 
a reign of forty-six years, nine months, and nine 
days. His younger brother, by name Sataji, who 
had before this been offended with him and fled to 
the Khawases, and after that had taken refuge with 
the Gaekwad Government at Amreli, was by the 
advice of the same, in concert with the English, 
installed after the lapse of one year, ia the par- 
ganah of Ranpur, which had been the Jagir of 
the Divan Saheb Ragh^nathji, and now he re- 
turned to the city and sat on the throne, 

Jam SatIji bin LIkhaji. 

Jam Sataji was always sick, and also had no 
children, and bad a weak, feeble body. Achhuba 
Rani, the widow of Jam Jasaji, with much fore- 
sight, adopted a son named Ranmalji from Jadej& 
Jasaji, the Zamindar of Bhanwad, and gradually 
paid two lakhs of rupees on this account to the 
two Governments [theGaekwa^ and the English], 


and it was agreed that he should succeed to the 
gadi after the death of Jam Sataji, who was in a 
dying state. 

Sataji made a will, testified to hy the nobles 
of his State, that the Kamdhar Jagjivan Devji, 
who had inherited this position since several 
generations, should be confirmed in the post ; but 
Motiram B{lch, the Nagar, who aspired to it, 
with the consent of Achhuba Rani, threw obsta- 
cles in his way by exciting the Arab Jamadars 
of Masqjit, who were in the forts of Pardhari 
and Kandorna. to rebellion, through Wania An- 
darji, a vakil of Jam Sataji. These men committed 
great depredations and much confusion ensued, 
but Jagjivan, on the strength of his previous 
connections with the Divan Saheb Vithal Rao, 
Nayib of the Gaekwad Government, requested him 
to expel the Arabs from the abovementioned two 
forts, and promised to pay his expenses. Accord- 
ingly Vithal Rao began by introducing several 
Arab regiments into Nagar under the command of 
Bodar Khatri and others, whilst Sundarji Khatri, 
the Nayib of Ballantine Saheb, on the other 
hand, as well as the new Sibandis who had 
always been desirous of obtaining employment, 
all contributed to drain the treasury of the 
Jam Saheb, and succeeded, on account of the 
misunderstanding between Jagjivan and Motiram, 
in emptying it. In fine, the Divanji Saheb Vithal 
Rao and Ballantine Saheb and Sundarji Khatri, 
on the agreement that their expenses should 


be paid, joined the Jam with about one thousand 

In Samvat 1872 they commenced, under the 
command of Hendly Saheb, to besiege and batter 
the fort of Kandorna. Both Jagjivan and Motiram 
unmercifully squandered the money which did 
not belong to them, and after a protracted siege 
the Divan Saheb Vithal Rao and Govind Rai 
mounted to chastise the accursed Masqatis, who 
foolishly, miscalculating their strength, issued 
forth and commenced a musketry fire, and were 
ignorant that *' the monkey who plays with the lion 
will defile the ground with his own blood.*' When 
a large number of the accursed ones were drawn 
up in order of battle, the victorious army of the 
English and Vithal Rao attacked them like a 
sudden misfortune, and dashed them beneath the 
iron hoofs of the horsemen, and by the thrusts of 
their buckler-piercing swords sent them to hell. 
They who escaped from the sword begged for 
quarter, and surrendered the forts to the servants 
of the Jam Saheb. After concluding this aifair, 
the army marched to Pardhari and expelled the 
Masqfiti Arabs from thence. They, however, took 
refuge in the fort of Jodia, with Sangram Khawas. 
The Jam Saheb who had long been seeking a cause 
of oiFence against Sangram KhawPs, made the shel- 
ter of these rebels his excuse, and the English and 
Gaekwad armies reached the place in the middle of 
the rainy season. Sundarji, whose fortune was in 
the ascendant, and whose patron was Ballantine 


Saheb, consulted with the Rani Achhuba, and 
collected an army to wrest the talukas from the 
Khawases, and agreed to pay 8 J lakhs of rupees 
for the aid of the English army, which sum was 
to be payable by eight instalments. When the 
army arrived near the fort of Jodia, Sangram 
Khawas and the garrison were alarmed at the 
shining muskets and waving banners, and lost 
heart. Sangram, pale and trembling, came quick- 
ly to the Commander of the army, and asked for 
quarter, and surrendered the fort with all its 
artillery and ammunition, and all his property, but 
his family departed under British protection 
to Morbi. Afterwards, however, by bribing the 
English officers of Baroda and making friends 
with Sundarji Khatri and the Divan Saheb 
Vithal Rao, Sangram obtained the parganah of 
Ambran in jagir from the Jam Saheb, who was 
compelled to give it, whether he liked or not. 
Sfindarji Khatri, who was the agent and Nayib of 
the English, obtained the farm of the parganah 
of Jddia-Balambha for one lakh and fifteen 
thousand jamis, whereas its revenue exceeds two 
and a half lakhs, for a term of eight years* 
This favour he obtained through the intervention 
of Motiram, who was jealous of Jagjivan Devji, 
who was a connection of the author's, and who 
obtained for himself the towns of Rawal and 
Asodar, the revenue whereof amounts to sixty 
thousand jamis. When the English army re- 
turned, Sundarji and Ballantine Saheb, on the 


pretence of inquiring into the bad government of 
the Navfinagar State, returned and made a false 
accusation against Jagjivan Devji, between whom 
and Motiram there was much enmity, and hence 
Jagjivan was much annoyed and fell sick. 

In Sam vat 1875 I wished to go on a pilgrim- 
age to the Narmada, and after going to Jodia, 
to have an interview with Ballautine Saheb, I 
spent several days at Nagar to make preparation? 
for the journey. On this occasion the Bai Saheb 
Achhubu Rrini kindly gave me employment in 
her pagah, and borrowed from me seventy-five 
thousand rupees on the security of the Kandorna 
Parganah. But in Sam vat 1830 Barnwell Saheb 
becoming himself responsible for the payment of 
this sum, handed over that parganah to Hansraj 
Seth ; but when Barnwell Saheb left this country 
with a sad heart on account of the loss of his wife, 
whom he loved dearer than life, Wilson Saheb, 
who remained but a short time in power^ was 
inimical to me, because I aided the Nav^b in all 
matters and opposed the management of the 
Khatris and the Jhalas, who were protected by 
him. Ee therefore wrote what he pleased in the 
records, and then left. After him Blane . Saheb, 
who had cotton in his ears towards the voice of 
justice, rejected my claim for my money, which 
amounted to nearly eight Mkhs of jamis, and 
caused me great loss. And he, not regarding 
the pledge of the English Government, abased 
whomsoever Barnwell Saheb had exalted. Iq 



Samvat I87fi, on the ekddasi'day (eleventh of the 
light half) of the month of Phalg{in, the Jam 
Saheb Sataji departed to the next world. The 
length of his reign was 5 years and 6 months and 
fifteen days, and he was succeeded by J^m Ran- 
malji, son of Jadeja Jasaji, and the adopted son 
of the Jam Saheb Jasaji. 

Jam Ranmalji. 


In Samvat 1880 Barnwell Saheb, who was a 
man able to appreciate respectable persons favour^ 
ably disposed towards the Government of the 
Company Bahadur, and who much resembled 
Alexander Walker in this matter, in order to keep 
under subjection the Jam Saheb Ranmalji, who 
was an impetuous young man, impatient of any 
kind of restraint, conferred the farm of the whole 
country of Nagar for a period of ten years for an 
annual sum of seventeen lakhs and thirty thou- 
sand jamis upon Hansraj Seth, nephew of Sundarji 
Khatri, who had already a claim of twenty-siif 
lakhs of jamis against this State ; but afterwards, 
on account of the disagreement of both parties, and 
on account of the disapproval of Wilson Saheb 
and Blane Saheb, the contract was annulled by 
the Jam Saheb without considering the seal of 
the English guarantee, but following the advice 
of counsellors like minded with himself, thus he 
dissolved the farm and dismissed Hansraj. 

After the departure of Wilson Sfiheb, who 
was not worthy to govern, and knew not black 
from white, Blane Saheb carried on niatters con 


trary to the usages of previous rulers [? Political 
Agents] — 

Whoever came a habitation built, 
But went again and left it to another. 
Who also entertained crude designs, 
So that the habitation no one used ! 

In Samvat 1883 (A.D. 1827) the people of 
this country again fell into misery ; the Nagars 
and Sipahis are without watan, the living have no 
bread, and the dead no shroud. 

In Samvat 1885, on the 5th of the light 
half of the month of Maha, the wedding of the 
Jam Siiheb Ranmalji with the daughter of Rawal 
Wajesingh, the Raja of Bhavnagar, was celebrated 
with great pomp. Gold was given freely, colour 
was scattered, and largesses bestowed. At the 
invitation of the Jam Saheb, the author sent to 
the wedding his children Lakhmisankar, San- 
karparsiid, Manisankar, and Rev^sankar, with 
50 sowars, and they were highly delighted. 

Oh Ranchodji, whence did you come, and 
whither have you arrived ? Where did you live 
and whither have you emerged ? 

If you write the history of each country at such 
length, it will be necessary to write another 
book. Enough ! Enough ! for life is short and 
this history very long. 

In short, this State of Nagar contains three ports 
and fourteen inhabited mahals, governed inde- 
pendently and prosperously. The etiquette in use 
is that formerly in vogue among Moghuls of the 


courts of Dehli and Ahmadabad. The mahals 
are: Khambhalia, Lalpur, Ranpiir, Bhanwad, 
Modpur, Jodhpur, Kandorna, Kaldwad^ Pardhari, 
Jodia, Balambha, Amran, Hariana, and Kathia- 
wad ; and the ports are Nagar, Jodia, and Salaya, 
and pearls are found in the sea at Sachana. The 
Kathiawad mahals are four, viz., Atkot, Barwala, 
Bhadla, and Santhli, and there is an iron mine 
in the Khambhaha Parganah. The mahals of the 
brethren of the Jam are as follows: Dalasa, Dhrol, 
Khirasra, Rajkot, Sardhar, and Gondal. The 
whole revenue of the Jam's country amounts to 
thirty-five lakhs of jamis, but in former times it 
was double this amount. 


Five thousand years ago Sri Krishna with all 
the Jadavas, who consisted of fifty-six tribes, and 
whose number was incalculable, came to live here 
fleeing from the city of Mathura through fear of 
Kal Yavan, Raja of Kandahar, and founded the 
city ofDwarka in that island and dwelt there. After 
the lapse of several years, the Jadavas came to 
Patau Deva to bathe at Prachi and perform adora- 
tion to Spmanath ; but in the drimkenness of 
wine, which is the mother of etil, the whole 
tribe fell to fighting amongst themselves, and 
most of them drank of the goblet of death, 
and Sri Krishna himself also, being pierced by 
the arrow of a hunter, departed to adorn the 
throne of Vaikunth. The Wadhel RajpQts, though 


originally belonging to this tribe, had beetf 
captured in former times, both men and women, 
by Sultan Mahmud Ghaznavi, and then again 
adopting the religion of the glorious Veda were 
re-admitted to the Hindu community. They 
and the Waghers, who plunder both by land and 
sea, dwell here and inhabit this country. In 
Samvat 1370 Shams Khan built a mosque in the 
city, and in Samvat 1547 SMtan Mahmud Giijar&ti 
laid waste the country. In Saihvat 1648, Khan 
Khanan led an army here in pursuit of Saltan 
Muzaffar, but Sangram and SaWa Wadhel con- 
teyed Muzaffar over to the country of Kachh. 
In Samvat 152G Malik Toghan was the thansld&r 
hereon behalf of Sultan Mahmiid^ and at that time 
Raja Bhim was taken prisoner. In Samvat 1868 
English ships arrived, which cannonaded the fott ot 
Beyt, and several brave men of the English troops 
landed and made an assault, but by the aid of Sri 
Dwarkanath they were unsuccessful and retired. 
But they burned all the piratical craft of both 
Dwark^ and Beyt, in which piracies were con- 
stantly committed. At that time the author hap- 
pened to go on a pilgrimage to Sri Ranchod Rdi 
Ivith a caravan of sixty wagons and one hundred 
sowars. Mulu Manik and VairsiManik came as far 
as Gurgadh to meet him, and showed him many 
civilities ; and at Dwarka the vakils of Bawa 
S&daram, the manager of the temples of Trikamji 
and Lakhmiji, came to invite him, so the author 
went to Beyt in a ship, and there paid his 


VOWS to Sri Ranched Rai, Trikam Rai, Madhu 
Rai, Purshotam Rai, and Kalian Rai, and toDeokoji 
and Kuseswar Mahadeva, and the costs of this 
pilgrimage amounted to sixty thousand jamis. 

Iq this country are situated Sankhar Narayan, 
Ad Nfirayan, and Chakra Narayan, and Sankhar 
Talav ; and the temples of Kuseswar and Kapi- 
leswar and Ganapati, and the shrine of Haji Kir- 
mani and others in this city are of much benefit 
both to the better classes and to the commonalty; 
what more shall I say ? 

The temple of Jagat, which was built by Raja 
Vajranabh, i^ very lofty, and bathing in the 
Gomti is famous in every country. As my pen 
can go no further, my readers will no longer be 
fatigued . 

In Samvat 1735 (A.D. 1679), on account of 
fear of the Miisalmans, the idols were conveyed 
to the island of Beyt. In Samvat 1781,Kakabhai 
and Halabhai repaired many of the temples at 

In Samvat 1864 the English army, under the 
command of Colonel Alexander Walker, con- 
quered Positra ; and in the year 1875 the EngHsh 
Sarkar established a thana, but two years after- 
wards Hendly SAheb and Muhammad Ata, who 
were the Thanadars, after a short struggle were 
expelled by the Waghers. Now the abovemention- 
cd Hendly Saheb was of a peaceful and gentle 
disposition, never injured an ant or killed a fly, 
nor did he spend a charge of powder or fire a 



single arrow, but withdrew himself from Okha 
safely without in the least caring for his honour. 

In Samvat 1876 a powerful English array 
came and attacked Okha both by sea and land 
and stormed the fort of Dwarka. On this occasion 
many of the Okha Waghers, such as Miilii Manik, 
Vairsi Manik, and others, and most of the tribe of 
Manik numbering in all nearly two hundred and 
fifty persons, perished in the waters of the Gomti, 
and an English garrison was placed there. How- 
ever, according to the policy of the time, they 
handed this place over to the GaekwSd, who at 
once posted Baba Wasikar there as his deputy, 
with a garrison of two hundred Arabs and Mak- 

There is scarcely any water in this country, and 
on account of the paucity of the inhabitants and 
abundance of prickly-pear, but little cultivation 
exists. The Waghers used to support themselves 
by committing robberies both by sea and land, and 
there is nothing here except small shells and 
chakras (a shell also), and the earth called Gopi^ 
chandan, and a pleasant green appearance, and 
certain small shells which these jungly folk burn 
before the dying. Their income is derived from 
the fees levied from the bands of pilgrims which 
come to worship DwarkaniUh, and these suffice 
for the ministrants at the shrine, the Raja, and the 
Waghers. In this zilla there are good camels 
and brave men. 

The Raja of Kachh built Kachhigadh to repress 



the plunderers of Okha, but God knows the 

What I have seen or heard from historians that 
I have consigned to writing as a memorial of 4;his 
perishable life, and this book I have called 

^^J y t! ^ J — History of Sorath, and I wrote it 
for the perusal of my beloved and intelligent son 

The End. 


Published by order of Her Majesty's Secretary 
of State for India. 



By J. FERGUSSON, D.C.L., F.R.S., V.pIr.A.S., & 
JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., F.R.G.S., M.R.A.S., &c. 

ArchaBological Surveyor for Western India. 

Super-royal 8vo, morocco, gilt top, pp. xx and 636, 
with Map, 99 plates and 76 woodcuts. £2 2fi, 


(Only a few copies for sale.) 

By JAS. BURGESS, LL.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., Ac. 

Vol. I.— Report of the First Season's Opera- 
tions in the Belgaum and KalMgi Districts, 1874!. 

With 56 Photographs and Lithographic Plates 
and 6 Vf oodcuts. Super-royal 4to, half morocco, 
gilt top, £2 28. 

Vol. II. — Report on the Antiquities of 
Kathiawad and Kachh, 1874-75, — Super-royal 4to, 
half morocco, gilt top, 242 pp., with 74 Photo- 
graphs and Lithographic Plates. Price £3 3s. 

Vol. III. — Report on the Antiquities of the 
BiDAR and Aurangabad Districts, being the Re- 
sults of the Third Season's Operations, 1875-76. 

With 66 photo, and lithographic plates and 9 
woodcuts. Sup. roy. 4to, £2 2«. 


Vols. V. and VI. containing Further Illustra- 
tions of Buddhist and Hindu Cave Architecture in 
Western India, with Translations of Inscriptions^ 
&c. <fec. 

Super-royal 4to, half-morocco, gilfc top, with 
numerous Plates, Woodcuts, &c. Price — the two 
volumes— £6 ()«. 

Vol. IV. — ^The Buddhist Caves and their Inscrip- 
tions, with many plates and woodcuts, is now ready. 

LONDON : TfiiiBNER & Co., &c. 

BOMBAY : Orders received by Thicker & Co., 




A handsomely-bound Album (17 inches by 14) 
containing a series of 30 Views of Scenery, Ancient 
Temples, and other Architectural Remains, with 
letter-press descriptions. 

By J. Burgess, LL.D., M.R.A.S., F.R.G.S., &c. 

Price Rs. 100. 

Simla, Calcutta, and Bombay : Bourne and 
Shepherd, Photograpliors ; London : Marion & Co., 
Soho Sciuare. 

a Handbook for Visitors. Price Rs. 1-8. 

With 12 Photographs Rs. 4-8. 


Prof. A. Weber's Disquisition on the Age, &c., 
of the Ram&yana, by the Rev. D. C. Boyd, M.A. 
Price Rs. 1-8 as., including postage. 

This edition is pubUshed with corrections and 
additions by Prof. Weber, — 12mo, 130 pages. 

Bombay : Education Society's Press. 

Pahlished monthly, 4/o demy, with Illustrations, 



In Arx3haBology, History, Literature, Languages, 

Philosophy, Folklore, &c., &c. 

Edited by 


Annual Subscription in advance Rs. 20, or including 

postage to Europe £2. 

Vols. II. to X. together Rs. 200. 

Vols. IV. to X. bound in cloth Rs. 20 each. 

Vol. XI. began witli the part for Januaiy 1882. 

Bombay : Education Society's Puess. 
Jan. 1882. 

"^mjjed below. 

_.fine is incurred 
The bon^owcr must return tliis item on or before 
the lasl date stamped below. If another user 
places a recall for this item, the borrower will 
be notified of the need for an earlier return. 

I ' Non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt 
\ the borrower from overdue fines. 

Harvard College Widener Library 
Cambridge, MA 02138 617-495-2413